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for their fabrications from vindictive informants and conceited reporters. In this case, the police had already proven their opposition to Ferrer by twice attempting to implicate Ferrer prior to the
Alfonso XIII bombings, both times unsuccessfully. And Romero Maura's same documents (and others since lost) had been insufficient at Ferrer's trial. Ferrer had, however, introduced Morral to Barcelonean radicals, such as Lerroux. Some evidence suggests that Ferrer introduced Morral to a bomb expert, and that both Ferrer and Lerroux plotted a regicide to destabilize the administration and cause a revolution. Additionally, Morral had access to the school's vast collection of revolutionary propaganda. "Barring the discovery of conclusive evidence," historian Paul Avrich wrote, "Ferrer's role in the Morral affair must remain an open question."
41:
95:, the influential, rationalist, antigovernment, anticlerical, antimilitary, Barcelonean school in whose library Morral worked. An unrequited love interest from the school might also have influenced Morral. Ferrer was charged with masterminding the attack, and though he was acquitted for lack of evidence, he remained a target of the government and church. The journalist Nakens and two friends, however, received prison sentences, held partially responsible for the murder Morral committed after fleeing the city. Following a prominent campaign for royal pardon, the three were released within a year of sentencing. Nakens' role in the affair spotlighted fissures in the Spanish republican movement between
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messages of egalitarianism, democracy, and cultural revolution would not appeal to the leftists he sought to avoid, and his popularity within anarchist and radical circles reflected anticlericalism's status as a uniting force across the left. But whereas anticlericalism was attached to nationalism for republicans like Nakens, it was not necessarily attached for anarchists and socialists. Nakens "became political roadkill" in the aftermath of the affair for his inability to draw an audience of workers while tolerating their revolutionary politics.
220:. Nakens was a vocal opponent of anarchism, but his anticlerical leadership attracted such radicals. Historians have disagreed as to whether Morral's choice of approaching Nakens was premeditated, but Morral was likely introduced to Nakens through Ferrer's school, which purchased the journalist's anticlerical writings. Morral introduced himself as the assassin upon entering Nakens' printing shop and recounted how Nakens had previously helped
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journalist's works. However, in correspondence between the pedagogue and the anti-anarchist journalist just days before the bombing, the latter declined an offer from the former to write books for his school—while the two were cordial, Nakens regarded himself as an outspoken enemy of anarchism. In reply, Ferrer insisted that Nakens keep the money, perhaps intended as a bribe. The court was not convinced of conspiracy by this evidence.
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378:, without mentioning Morral or Nakens' own harboring of the fugitive. He was arrested within the week and the next day published a full accounting of his actions in two newspapers, in which he reaffirmed his opposition to anarchism, described Morral's attack as cowardly, and recanted his brief support of Morral as misguided but driven by his desire to help his fellow man.
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antimilitary, antireligious, antigovernmental curriculum and other subversive activities. The conservative government and
Catholic church each regarded the school as a hotbed for insurrectionary violence and heretical blasphemy, respectively. Ferrer was subject to police surveillance and harassment at home and denigrated in the press.
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Authorities used the 1906 regicide attempt as a pretext to stop Ferrer. He was arrested within a week of the attack and charged with both its organization and recruiting of Morral. Ferrer was imprisoned for a year while prosecutors pursued evidence for his trial. The anarchist and pseudonymous writer
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In hindsight, historian
Enrique Sanabria proposes Nakens as a tragic parable: that Nakens' decision to hide Morral reflected a willingness to work with revolutionaries that, when pronounced, would ostracize him from his more moderate republican colleagues. Nakens was shortsighted to believe that his
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On the afternoon of the attack, both Ferrer and the republican partisan
Alejandro Lerroux awaited news from Madrid while seated at separate tables in the same Barcelona café. But while Lerroux too denied involvement in and knowledge of the plot, he sat at the café having followers ready to storm the
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The judgment in Nakens' case came easily. While the court believed that Nakens had no prior connection with Morral, they found that his planning for Morral was more deliberate than a brief lapse of judgment. They argued that this aid led to the Torrejón villager's murder, and for this aid, sentenced
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concluded, based on
Spanish and French police official records, that Ferrer had provided the funds and explosives as the mastermind of both bombing attempts who sought to foment a revolution. His analysis, however, took these police documents at face value when such official narratives are notorious
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for food and shelter. Morral was out of place, with his
Catalan accent, handsome face, and dirty clothes, by means of which the locals quickly recognized him. In lieu of a direct confrontation, they sent someone to notify Madrid of their suspicions. On the second day, village militiamen attempted to
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Prosecutors had no easy case against Ferrer. In casting him as the bombing's mastermind, they relied on his ties to anarchism and revolutionary propaganda and proposed that Ferrer both fostered Morral's insurrectionism and suggested that Morral approach Nakens based on Ferrer's high regard for the
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in Madrid. It was a year to the date following a similar attack on his carriage. The bomb was concealed in a bouquet of flowers. While the King and Queen emerged unscathed, 24 bystanders and soldiers were killed and over 100 more wounded. A British colonel observing the scene compared it to one of
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prison, Nakens became an advocate for prison reform as a campaign mounted for his pardon. His advocacy for more humane prison conditions, through regular reports in a republican daily newspaper, improved his standing with those previously upset by his harboring of Morral. Following a multifaceted
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For his part, Ferrer proclaimed his innocence. He told the investigators that he and Morral had limited interaction and that he did not know Morral was a revolutionary or even in Madrid. Finding the evidence against Ferrer to be circumstantial, the court acquitted Ferrer, but not before impugning
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Between his 1901 return from
Parisian exile and the 1906 attempted regicide, the outsize influence and rapidity of the rise of anarchist pedagogue Francisco Ferrer worried Spanish authorities, who moved quickly to repress him. Ferrer's school threatened many Spanish social foundations with its
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Nakens to nine years of prison and financial restitution for the Royals, the military, and families affected by the bombing. Nakens' friends
Bernardo Mata and Isidro Ibarra were jailed as well. Only half of the prison time between their June 1906 arrest and June 1907 sentencing was commuted.
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Despite Ferrer's acquittal, the police continued to believe he was guilty. Ferrer continued his advocacy for rational education and syndicalist causes following his release in June 1907 but was arrested and charged in August 1909 with leading the week of protest and insurrection known as
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A year to the date prior, May 31, 1905, there had been a similar attempt on
Alfonso XIII's life. That night, attackers threw two bombs were thrown at his carriage, which was returning from a night at the opera. Only one bomb exploded, injuring not the king but 17 bystanders and nearby
247:, was responsible for the king's security detail. Both he and the commissary of Spanish anarchist activity in France had anticipated an attack, given the high profile of the event and symbolism of Madrid as the center of the revolutionists' ire. Romanones prepared for an attack on
251:—the wedding church—which Morral originally planned to attack, and then reconsidered based on the level of security. Once the royals had safely left the vicinity of the church, Romanones lay down to rest, believing that his job was done. He would later offer a 25,000
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in 1897. Nakens was hesitant but agreed to help. He hid Morral at the press while arranging lodging for Morral, and returned 90 minutes later to transport him to a friend's house for the night. But Morral grew distrustful during the night and was gone by morning.
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roundtables, and sent postcards to
Villafranca professing his undying love and his feelings of alienation. Villafranca resided with Ferrer and they were likely lovers, though it is possible that this uncertainty was just as opaque to Morral.
358:, or as the historian Paul Avrich later summarized the case, "judicial murder": a successful attempt to quell an agitator whose ideas were dangerous to the status quo, as retribution for not convicting him in the Morral affair.
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130:, but she did not return his private admission of love. Shortly afterwards, on May 20, 1906, he told Ferrer that he would be traveling to recuperate from illness. He went to Madrid, where he walked the streets, attended
403:. Lerroux's fate turned for the better with the affair. Before, he had fallen out of political favor, lost his periodical, and struggled for money. But afterwards, he was flush and the executor of Ferrer's estate.
111:, and Morral had traveled widely for his father's company, in addition to his prior studies abroad. He broke with his father over his support of a radicalized group of freethinkers, republicans, and freemasons—the
84:, whose villagers reported the interloper. Two days after the attack, militiamen accosted Morral, who killed one before killing himself. Morral was likely involved in a similar attack on the king a year earlier.
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hotel window as the King's procession passed, killing 24 bystanders and soldiers and wounding over 100 others, while leaving the royals unscathed. Morral sought refuge from republican journalist
123:, a school for rationalist workers' education, and offered the project 10,000 pesetas. Ferrer, in his telling of the story, declined and instead offered Morral a job in the school's library.
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After a falling-out over politics, Mateo Morral's father gave his son a monetary parting gift, which he took to Barcelona in 1905. Morral's father was a textiles industrialist in the town of
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detain Morral, who countered by using his revolver to fire two fatal shots: one villager in the face and himself in the chest. Morral's body was returned to Madrid, where it was identified.
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philosophy of the old generation of republicans and both republican factions showed intransigence towards cooperation. The affair appeared even to favor the republican moderates (Azcárate,
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An unrequited love interest and a desire for infamy spurred the attempted regicide. While working at Ferrer's school, Morral became infatuated with the director of elementary studies,
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354:. Though he likely participated in its events, he was not its mastermind. The ensuing trial, which would culminate in his death by firing squad, is remembered as a show trial by a
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Episodes such as the Morral affair showcased Spanish republican ability to galvanize popular support through political drama in an age of lethargy towards formal politics.
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proclaimed that Ferrer was known for his aversion to political violence, the historian Paul Avrich has countered that Ferrer was a militant anarchist, proponent of
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On the day of Morral's death, the republican journalist José Nakens had published a denunciation of the regicide attempt and terrorism writ large in his journal,
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Morral was discovered at a Madrid railroad station two days after the attack, whereupon he shot a police officer and killed himself. He had first arrived in
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Ferrer's school was a casualty of the Morral affair, closed by the government within weeks of his arrest. Multiple conservative deputies of the
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Sanabria, Enrique A. (2009). "Republicanism, Anarchism, Anticlericalism, and the Attempted Regicide of 1906".
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bounty for information in the hunt for the attacker, which went to the widow of the villager Morral had shot.
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oversaw the estate and with the funds started periodicals dedicated to Ferrer and Nakens' release. But while
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war. The bride's wedding gown was splattered with horse blood. The King and Queen were escorted to the
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found threats against the king carved into a tree's trunk, which he later attributed to Morral.
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Morral threw the bomb from the top balcony of this hotel, killing those on the balconies below
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Jensen, Richard Bach (2014). "Multilateral anti-anarchist efforts after 1904".
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from the pension's attendant to treat a stomach problem and requested privacy.
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The Battle Against Anarchist Terrorism: An International History, 1878–1934
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The Modern School Movement: Anarchism and Education in the United States
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Historians have disagreed on Ferrer's role in the regicide attempt. The
1251:"Historia de la primera gran exclusiva periodística que hubo en España"
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additionally petitioned to close all secular schools but were denied.
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Creating Spaniards: Culture and National Identity in Republican Spain
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and near-term revolution that would later become an identity crisis.
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in the ensuing chaos and sought help from the republican journalist
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Un héroe trágico del anarquismo español: Mateo Morral, 1879–1906
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led Ferrer's legal defense. He attempted to recruit the jurist
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1906 attempted murder of King Alfonso XIII and Victoria Eugenie
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Former monument to victims of the attack against Alfonso XIII
115:. In Barcelona, Morral grew close to the anarchist pedagogue
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day, May 31, 1906, and its subsequent effects. The attacker,
1154:. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 295–340.
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Funeral for slain bystanders, the day after the attack
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1119:(in Spanish). Vol. 36. Barcelona. p. 1161.
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Morral used his real name to check into a pension on
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One week before the regicide attempt, a watchman at
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Republicanism and Anticlerical Nationalism in Spain
1117:Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana
844:(2ª ed.). Madrid: Taurus. pp. 185–186.
224:, the Italian anarchist who had assassinated the
1086:"1906: atentado anarquista contra Alfonso XIII"
1389:Improvised explosive device bombings in Madrid
192:On May 31, 1906, Mateu Morral threw a bomb at
753:. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 29.
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1249:Sörenssen, Federico Ayala (March 29, 2015).
840:; García Queipo de Llano, Genoveva (2002) .
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308:. While Ferrer was jailed, the republican
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1384:20th-century mass murder in Spain
1173:(in Spanish). Barcelona: Icaria.
787:. Prometheus Books. p. 217.
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815:. Knopf Doubleday. p. 523.
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781:Cooke, Bill (June 28, 2010).
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36:The bombing on May 31, 1906
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1202:Gran Enciclopèdia Catalana
1020:Princeton University Press
301:'s freedom of expression.
1010:"The Martyrdom of Ferrer"
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1169:Masjuan, Eduard (2009).
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809:Hughes, Robert (2011).
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249:San Jerónimo el Real
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1369:Anarchist terrorism
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1137:cite encyclopedia
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1022:. pp. 3–33.
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760:978-0-299-17634-1
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1354:Alfonso XIII
1259:. Retrieved
1257:(in Spanish)
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1240:November 10,
1238:. Retrieved
1227:
1211:. Retrieved
1200:
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1125:. Retrieved
1116:
1100:. Retrieved
1089:
1056:. New York:
1053:
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1013:
1006:Avrich, Paul
998:Bibliography
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826:. Retrieved
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777:, p. 32
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1261:January 30,
1213:October 22,
1127:October 22,
1102:January 30,
867:Avrich 1980
828:November 9,
800:November 9,
775:Avrich 1980
766:November 9,
733:Avrich 1980
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556:Avrich 1980
541:Avrich 1980
489:Avrich 1980
352:Tragic Week
332: [
218:José Nakens
149:Calle Mayor
78:José Nakens
1328:Categories
1229:20 minutos
434:References
416:gradualist
327:historian
103:Background
97:gradualism
1306:Anarchism
1189:549147889
1043:April 17,
1038:489692159
812:Barcelona
568:vehicles.
259:Aftermath
1234:Archived
1207:Archived
1121:Archived
1096:Archived
1008:(1980).
376:El Motín
214:Malasaña
133:tertulia
109:Sabadell
54:regicide
1292:Portals
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407:Legacy
394:Others
362:Nakens
272:Ferrer
253:peseta
74:Madrid
1318:Spain
336:]
200:from
64:, on
1263:2021
1242:2018
1215:2018
1185:OCLC
1175:ISBN
1156:ISBN
1143:link
1129:2018
1104:2021
1062:ISBN
1045:2018
1034:OCLC
1024:ISBN
846:ISBN
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817:ISBN
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48:The
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