549:
American principles and values has appeal beyond the hearty but thin ranks of policy wonks by making discussion of public affairs exciting and compelling, by igniting viewers' passions, by bringing elected officials onto live programs to be grilled by caller around the country, and by hosting programs not with TV personalities but with veteran
Washington hands familiar with how the nation's capital works." According to the proposal which states, "increasing conflict: Champions and opponents of measures increasingly face each other on the shows," one of the changes NET had made to its programs was to begin inviting opposing viewpoints to increase viewer interest. This was in keeping with the popularity of mainstream political programs such as
626:, an industry veteran who had been successful with other startups. It relaunched in the spring of 1997 as a for-profit TV channel called "America's Voice", with another $ 20 million in seed money. However, Sutton came from the ranks of mainstream media and refused to agree with Weyrich and others' ideological analysis that the television industry was failing to meet the demands of conservative and traditionalist viewers. A power struggle ensued, with Sutton persuading the network's board to force out Weyrich in a hostile takeover.
43:
223:, opposed structurally, as well as in terms of content, to what figures in the conservative movement defined as traditional American culture and government. In an attempt to help counter the perceived phenomenon, he mobilized groups and donors who were equally concerned by the supposed lack of journalistic integrity, and who were disgusted by the complete dismissals of these concerns by established broadcasters and publishers. Coordinated by Weyrich's
358:
organizations, individuals, and industry competitors pressured many advertising firms to withdraw or withhold support. The result was that revenue could not meet operating costs, and in response to donor and investor pressure for a clearer focus, FCF dropped all programs not directly related to public policy and conservative activism and rebranded the channel as NET: The
Conservative NewsTalk Network, with the initials NET, no longer
606:"It seems that the name National Empowerment Television often led to some misconceptions about what we do. As we actively pursue new affiliates, we now hope to be more readily identifiable as a public policy organization", he explained. In practice, however, the "PNTN" sub-branding was very rarely used, and "NET" continued to be used on air, and by providers carrying the network to identify it.
163:
541:
NET's finances and programming segmentation, thereby inadvertently diluting the focus of NET. For instance, Philip Morris was hopeful NET could prove to be a powerful campaign tool. "If the health care miniseries goes well, the possibilities of working with NET to present our side of the story are virtually limitless (
614:
Although NET was launched with a budget of $ 10 million, it bled money. In 1995 alone, Weyrich transferred $ 2 million in assets to the project. Despite the initial support of its original associate broadcasters, it was only enough to cover the operating costs continuingly. Further, the apprehension
599:
According to NET's proposal, its first-year budget was $ 5.6 million, with $ 1 million to be raised from eight 'associate producers', with advertising scheduled to bring in only $ 365,000, and on-air fundraising another $ 262,000. NET hoped any shortfall would be eliminated by grants and pledges from
618:
FCF planned a new strategy to make NET a self-sustaining, even profitable, commercial enterprise, rather than a money-losing tool of outreach. However, the FCF blamed the hostility of other large media and agitation by liberal groups for the refusal of support from major advertising firms. Without
548:
Nevertheless, Weyrich and others remained steadfast in their programming orientation and optimism. In a proposal sent to potential sponsors, NET boasted that in its first nine months, the network had "confirmed the validity of its motivating premise: that public affairs broadcasting based upon solid
531:
Despite the potential for controversy, the company's funding of NET was extremely minor. A March 1994 internal strategy document revealed that it spent only $ 200,000 to help fund NET. One proposed miniseries would 'focus on debunking the myths of the
Clinton plan and the use of excises to fund such
540:
NET was also a broader resource for U.S. social and economic conservatism. Many organizations bought the rights to air programs on the channel. This was part of NET's strategy of flouting the conventional media of the time. However, the strategy had flaws, as each associate added more oversight on
524:
While the company was hoping to get NET to assist in advancing its corporate agenda, Morris was willing to return the favor to NET. "Philip Morris could increase the impact of NET's coverage by assisting the network in getting additional cable companies to carry their broadcasts", the memo stated.
357:
In all of its programming, the management team under
Weyrich sought a highly professionalized approach to both its advocacy, and journalistic programming. Consequently, the channel featured high production values, and cost a great deal. The FCF claimed that various ideologically liberal
280:, and other non-traditional means of marketing. Thus, NET became a broader resource for United States' social and economic conservative movements. Many advertisers from organizations that had been traditionally shunned by major broadcasters bought airtime on the channel. These included
252:
observed in 1994 that it spurned "broadcast journalism's caveat against partisan news programming... One-third of the programs on NET are produced by 'associate broadcasters' — organizations handpicked by
Weyrich to share NET's airtime. Among the dozen associate broadcasters on NET are
545:'s, district by district canvassing, etc.) … but will require a substantial amount of increased support", the internal report noted. Although Morris decided against such a strategy, the report delineated the potential hazards of relying mostly on outside organizations for programming.
532:
a plan, and to investigate more market-driven alternatives". Morris planned another miniseries critiquing the proposed
Clinton health care plan, as a part of a broad-based effort by health care providers and businesses of all types to stop the nationalization of American health care.
588:
In the ensuing controversy over
Gingrich's role as a fundraiser for a conservative media organization, Weyrich rebuffed criticisms, defending his sponsor. "The fact is that but for the efforts of people like the speaker, NET would not continue", Weyrich wrote in a column in
316:
and interstate mass transit, and the deleterious effects of automotive-oriented planning on the
American environment, economy, and urban quality of life. There were also programs and segments on family, community, and social issues, that featured writers, local community
634:. However, the network retained four conservative programs funded by the FCF and a few remaining supporters, but it had to pay to retain them. Finally, further pressure from advertisers and larger broadcasters allegedly forced even those to be removed.
645:
dropped it. Eventually, America's Voice was sold, becoming "The
Renaissance Network" (TRN), airing on a few broadcast stations, mainly UHF and low-power channels. Facing ruin, TRN brought back FCF content, but it was not enough to save the operation.
295:
Nevertheless, the network was interested in a broad base of issues, including topics not typically associated with
American conservatism. For instance, under the management of Weyrich, NET was involved in discussing – on programs entitled
500:. "Generate additional publicity by having NET dedicate a news crew and programming to the health care issue as well as other challenges to the industry. Regarding health care, the crew could cover the town hall meeting sponsored by
654:
Even without the financial and administrative issues that led to its demise, the future viability of NET would likely have been poor in any case, due to its orientation toward then-minority elements within conservatism such as
585:. The program was paid for by Gingrich's Progress and Freedom Foundation and was reported to cost $ 140,000. Gingrich also helped out by hosting a February 1995 $ 50,000 plate fundraising dinner to build up NET's coffers.
629:
With Weyrich gone, under Sutton, the channel abandoned its conservative identity, marketing itself merely as a non-ideological forum for the public to make its views known to policymakers, akin to the call-in programs on
341:
and other prominent figures live, and permitted the public to call in directly with questions and comments, with Weyrich delivering commentary in the final segment. Additionally, the channel had programming on
714:, perspectives. This eventually became the network's primary vantage point by the late 2010s, in both its reporting and talk programming, perhaps vindicating, posthumously, Weyrich's original vision for NET.
615:
of most big business corporations against sponsoring programs left the network isolated. When it failed to get continuing financial support, FCF split off NET as a private business and sought private funds.
973:
963:
958:
695:'s governing philosophy at that time. In sharp contrast to the failed NET/America's Voice/TRN, Fox News went on to eventually become the highest-rated cable network devoted to public affairs.
276:
analysis referred to FCF's attempt to circumvent mainstream media opposition by using associate broadcasters (i.e., organizations not legally related to FCF), local broadcasting channels for
953:
603:
In 1995, Weyrich wrote to its associate broadcasters, to inform them that from April 1, National Empowerment Television "will now be referred to as NET-Political NewsTalk Network".
983:
578:
521:'s risk assessment on ETS. Finally, NET could sponsor public opinion surveys in key congressional districts on the health care issue and broadcast the results," the memo stated.
978:
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Funding was also an option; "Since NET is a TV network, we could fund these activities via product advertisements from the food and beer business", the memo suggested.
224:
238:
Academics and representatives of the mainstream media roundly criticized NET, namely because of its drastic departure from the mainstream 20th-century paradigm of
622:
In a decision he later came to regret bitterly, Weyrich, under pressure from the associate broadcasters, turned over the day-to-day operation of the channel to
518:
370:, albeit keeping its ideological principles at the forefront), and a full-fledged investigative journalism program. However, the high cost of this strategy,
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enough revenue to cover its costs, the corporate board forced Weyrich to stop new segment programming and focus on retooling the network for a relaunch.
377:
As part of its audience mobilization strategy, NET invited viewers to participate in eight hours of live call-in television each day. Programs included:
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231:-based satellite television network called National Empowerment Television (NET). Its logo featured a square of nine dots, referring to a
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in 2017, and his celebrity among Republican voters, as well as intellectual and institutional leaders of the American political Right,
641:
as a popular and far-better-funded source of conservative opinion on cable television, financial support under Sutton collapsed, and
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movement. At its peak, NET claimed to reach more than 11 million homes on selected cable systems or, in some markets,
929:
https://web.archive.org/web/20061003010917/http://www.conservativenews.org/Politics/archive/200201/POL20020114b.html
145:, practically all of which was dedicated to propagating conservative political positions, on numerous issues in the
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both of which featured debate-style arguing, as well as a close ally of Weyrich in paleoconservative circles,
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488:. In a 1993 internal strategy paper, the company discussed options for increasing NET's adverse coverage of
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and representatives, and academic leaders. Other programs focused on issues important to FCF activity:
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Lawrence Morahan, "Conservative Icon Weyrich Warns 'Moral Minority' Still Dwindling (
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Not to be confused with the current day television network with a similar format,
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covered activities within social conservatism. The most popular program was
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With much of its original viewership alienated, and also with the rise of
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show demonstrating the industry's side of controversial issues such as
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puzzle that cannot be solved without drawing lines "outside the box."
212:
Weyrich had long believed that the mainstream news and entertainment
504:(CSE) and broadcast the highlights nationally", the memo suggested.
484:
Some detractors of NET have consistently referred to its support by
431:, with an ongoing opportunity to promote its beliefs concerning the
141:. It accompanied the contemporaneous explosion of the popularity of
880:
Alan Bash, Calling into question deals that give Gingrich airtime (
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itself another media vehicle for conservative ideology in the U.S.
366:
dome. It also began news reports and updates (akin to the likes of
675:. Instead, Fox News focused on then-mainstream issues, reflecting
891:)", Bates No 2046563214, The Washington Times, February 10, 1995.
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884:)", Bates No 2046563211, USA Today, February 28, 1995, page 3D.
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465:, produced in conjunction with the National Rifle Association.
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on behalf of the movement's policy aims. It was created by
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Paul Weyrich, letter to Dr. Thomas Borelli Philip Morris (
894:
National Empowerment Television, "Changing the Picture (
873:
National Empowerment Television, "Changing the Picture (
374:, and other factors combined to bring NET down by 1997.
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Television channels and stations disestablished in 2000
856:), Bates No 2046662829, April 1993 (estimated), page 3.
849:)," Columbia Journalism Review, September/October 1994.
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NET went on air for the first time on 6 December 1993.
362:, and the nine-dot logo replaced with one evoking the
329:
emphasized judicial nominations and court trends, and
964:
Television channels and stations established in 1993
581:, Newt Gingrich, who hosted his own weekly program,
959:Political organizations based in the United States
931:)," Conservative News Service, January 14, 2002.
915:Diana J. Weyrich, "letter to Dr. Thomas Borelli (
898:)", Bates No 2046563239, September 1994, page 12.
710:began to incorporate paleoconservative, and even
683:economics (not referring to political liberalism
118:network designed to rapidly mobilize politically
954:Defunct television networks in the United States
908:Paul M. Weyrich, "Letter to Dr. Thomas Borelli (
877:)", Bates No 2046563238, September 1994, page 1.
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764:
762:
350:issues, and even occasional segments devoted to
372:perceived obstacles to entering the marketplace
424:, provided the Cato Institute, an established
284:on local religious stations and networks like
887:Paul Weyrich, "My $ 50,000 dinner with Newt (
398:, hosted by Burton Pines and Council Nedd II.
16:Former American conservative cable TV network
8:
984:Conservative television in the United States
847:CJR - I'm Not a Reporter..., by Thomas Goetz
698:Ironically, in response to the accession of
691:foreign policy, a consensus that marked the
494:finance an expanded public healthcare system
337:with Weyrich, in which the host interviewed
979:2000 disestablishments in the United States
917:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/otw87d00
910:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/euw87d00
903:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ctw87d00
896:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xsw87d00
889:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/atw87d00
882:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/stw87d00
875:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xsw87d00
870:), Bates No 2046563261, September 20, 1994.
868:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bsw87d00
861:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/dtv34e00
854:http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/blz55e00
227:(FCF), the activists and donors launched a
905:)", Bates No 2046563217, January 16, 1995.
242:, in favor of what they viewed as blatant
901:Paul Weyrich, "letter to Steven Parrish (
200:Learn how and when to remove this message
87:Learn how and when to remove this message
969:1993 establishments in the United States
912:)", Bates No 2045633155, April 12, 1995.
50:This article includes a list of general
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579:Speaker of the House of Representatives
919:)", Bates No 2046563181, May 18, 1995.
384:, hosted by then-House Minority Whip
259:National Rifle Association of America
7:
863:)", Bates No 2022887066, March 1994.
845:Thomas Goetz, "I'm Not a Reporter (
455:, produced in conjunction with the
859:Philip Morris, "Tobacco strategy (
583:Progress Report with Newt Gingrich
536:Donor intervention and controversy
172:tone or style may not reflect the
56:it lacks sufficient corresponding
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292:, Accuracy in Media, and others.
473:Competitive Enterprise Institute
302:The New Electric Railway Journal
182:guide to writing better articles
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935:National Empowerment Television
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25:National Educational Television
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826:"Industry Documents Library"
808:"Industry Documents Library"
790:"Industry Documents Library"
772:"Industry Documents Library"
749:"Industry Documents Library"
731:"Industry Documents Library"
659:, hard-core libertarianism,
502:Citizens for a Sound Economy
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667:economics, and borderline
325:discussed privacy issues;
249:Columbia Journalism Review
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923:Free Congress Foundation
610:High costs bring changes
496:with increased taxes on
312:issues, including local
225:Free Congress Foundation
112:The Renaissance Network,
19:Not to be confused with
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437:government regulation
433:illegitimacy of taxes
360:standing for anything
246:. For instance, the
592:The Washington Times
566:The McLaughlin Group
323:Endangered Liberties
308:of the same name) –
263:American Life League
32:Real America's Voice
657:right-wing populism
517:/nicotine, and the
469:Science Under Siege
382:The Progress Report
304:(affiliated with a
286:Christian Coalition
267:anti-abortion group
679:general ideology,
416:immigration policy
149:during the 1990s.
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989:Paleoconservatism
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