1011:, ratified at a party convention on 15 November 1959. Overtly Marxist terms such as "class struggle", "socialisation of key industrial sectors" and "planned economy" were consigned to history. There was to be no more talk of a new socialist order. In its place, the party committed to further developments, improvements and refinements of existing economic and social structures. This "course correction" to the party programme went decisively beyond what might have been acceptable to Otto Brenner, who argued consistently for the retention of the earlier party objectives, the most pressing of which was, for him and his union comrades, "socialisation of key industrial sectors". He campaigned with characteristic energy against the changes, both in the discussions that took place between 1954 and 1958 with the "programme commission" drawing up what became the
691:), also incorporated private ownnership of the means of production, giving rise to an unequal balance of power and control/ownership in the political sphere. From this clearly followed, for him, that the cream of sustained German postwar prosperity would fade relatively quickly. He therefore hoped for an overcoming of capitalism or, failing that, a far reaching taming of it. He summarized his underlying conviction in the following way: "The economy is not there simply to serve its own ends. It has to serve human needs and society's objectives". This also corresponded with the "Economic Policy Ground-rules" – generally referred to subsequently as the "Munich Ground-rules Programme" (
634:), and thereby a paid trades union official. The structure of the General Trades Union reflected a compromise for the creation of a single unified trades union, free from political and religious, but also free of professional/vocational distinctions. Brenner however, like most trades unionists, advocated a structure involving individual industry-sector based trades unions organised under the aegis of a single trades union confederation: that is the structure that was subsequently adopted and which operates to this day.
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a fair share of the wealth they jointly generated. The reduction in the working week was also, in part, an excursion into emancipatory social policy, giving as it did more free time both to workers and to employers. By 1965, step by step, the point had been reached where the union and the metals industry employers signed off on the core 40-hour week, running from Monday to Friday. But there was, again, a consciously social element in all this, which is expressed in the slogan "Dad belongs to me on
Saturdays" (
1255:: "achieving Civil democracy 'by democratising the economy became Brenner's greatest objective. He found his failure to achieve it a painful thing. Acutely aware of the inherent contradiction in which trades unions become enmeshed if they try to enforce improvements to the economic order from the bottom up, which nevertheless become necessary both to improve the condition of the workers and to extend the life expectancy of capitalism".
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destiny of the nation was a shared destiny for good and ill. Brenner would reply that everyone was indeed in the same boat and all could look forward to a shared destiny. But that was no reason to feign indifference as to the identity of the pilot, the composition of the ship's crew and the small matter of how decisions were made as to the direction of travel. It must be acknowledged that despite the vehemence with which he opposed the
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1309:"Otto Brenner ... verkörpert mehr als irgendein anderer deutscher Gewerkschaftsführer jene Generation, die — ein Bindeglied zwischen den Älteren der Weimarer Zeit und den nach 1945 heran-gewachsenen Jüngeren — die Brücke über den Abgrund der faschistischen Herrschaft geschlagen und die besten Überlieferungen der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung in die Gegenwart herübergerettet hat."
457:, and despite the ban continued to work on party recruitment and organisation. There are references to his having led and/or been part of the "SAPD Resistance Group" in Hanover with his brother and sister-in-law Kurt and Käte Brenner. He visited a number of cities in order to create and build contacts with local SAPD parties across the country.
925:. His distrust of a resurgent authoritarian militarism caused him to reject West German re-armament and, in particular to oppose nuclear rearmament or the stationing of nuclear forces in German soil. His opposition to the arms build-up was reinforced by his conviction that militarisation on the ground made it even harder to envisage any future
1404:"Ein Generalstreik gegenden Beschluss des Parlaments auszurufen, wie das manche von den Gewerkschaften verlangt haben, war allerdings unmöglich. Er hätte sich unmittelbar gegen die bestehende Verfassungsordnung gewendet, ganz zu Schweigen davon, dass die Generalstreiksparole keineswegs von einer Mehrheit der Bevölkerung befolgt worden wäre.
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would have been obeyed by a majority of the people". Expecting that Otto
Brenner might call a general strike against a government in which his own party was a coalition partner would have involved expecting a long-standing champion of social-democracy to become a revolutionary. Brenner was no revolutionary and never wished to become one.
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the immediate postwar period was one of acute economic hardship. When he first left school the family could not afford for him to embark on any sort of period of training. Instead he went to work first as a grocery store assistant and then for a small business that manufactured boilers. Here he was engaged in physically heavy work as a
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as vice-chairman, there was no major change of direction when he assumed sole leadership of the union in 1956. Brenner was feared as a tough negotiator, but capable of compromise, his demands were not simply for parity between negotiating partners, but also that employers and employees should receive
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in 1949. Indeed, he saw it as all the more reason to intensify pressure to address the most extreme social inequalities, even if in the short term the best – or only – route available to the unions in pursuit of that objective might be ratcheting up pressure in respect of wages negotiations. Eloquent
645:. It lasted 23 days. Brenner was the most prominent of the strike leaders, and his name appeared in news reports far beyond the Hanover city limits. The dispute, taking place when Germany was still under the "dictatorship of military occupation", was in support of "the socialisation of production and
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the previous year: this opened up the possibility for "completion" of the constitutional settlement, and the point was one which West
Germany's allies had been insistent. A succession of West German governments set to work to make good the earlier omission, but every draft proposal for incorporating
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under his influence – and subsequently under his leadership – made a crucial contribution to improving the quality of life for both workers and employers, in a country where rapid economic recovery and growth were by this time opening the way to increased levels of general prosperity. Because of the
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supporters (such as Otto
Brenner) and a surprise for commentators and others from across the political spectrum. For Brenner and the trades union movement more widely the result represented a temporary deferral but not an abolition for their shared objective of a rapid and fundamental transformation
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attempts to redefine the role of trades unions in the state and in society. Brenner also rejected repeated demands that trades unions must take a share in responsibility for the wider economy. He was challenged with the metaphor that the unions were in the same boat as other members of society. The
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in
January 1933, all combined to strengthen Brenner's conviction that, in the context of the relationship between economics and the world of politics, the underlying principal for trades unions must always be that democracy is a prerequisite for trades union activities, and economic actions must be
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at its (re)founding congress in Munich in
October 1949. A particular case in point is the programme's demand for "the transfer of key industries to common ownership, especially the mining, iron and steel industries, as well as the major chemicals firms, the energy sector, major transport providers
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his father was conscripted for military service and life became harder: Otto was just seven. Hanover was (and remains) home to several large engineering/manufacturing businesses: Brenner eventually trained successfully for work as an industrial electrician. However, the family was not wealthy, and
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congress in 1968 he spelled out his position: "Calling a general strike against a decision by parliament, as some trades unionists had demanded, was quite impossible. It would have meant opposing the existing constitutional order, and in any case, there was no way that a call for a general strike
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railway locomotive and road vehicle plant. Taking advantage of adult education opportunities and evening training sessions, he was soon able to qualify as a skilled assembly worker. As a young man he became a sports and fitness enthusiast. He also demonstrated a commitment to political education,
1031:, who was advocating a departure from the "Munich programme" of 1949 and a new conception of trades unionism based on social partnership. For Brenner that was totally unacceptable. Specifically, if the need to obtain political power with a democratic parliamentary majority meant converting the
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saw itself explicitly as a "political trades union", with not just the right, but the duty to "take a position on political questions that affect the welfare of millions of working people", and not to restrict itself to the narrow fields of wages and social policy. Brenner claimed this duty of
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the authorities concentrated their harassment/persecution on political activists identified as communists. Many were arrested and others fled abroad. On 30 August 1930, however, after he returned from one of his trips, Otto
Brenner was arrested and taken into investigatory custody. During the
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were threatened, because he recognised that preserving the rule of law in as democratic state governed by laws was the indispensable precondition for the successful operation of trades unions. His own experiences led him to doubt the democratic substance of postwar West German democracy. The
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rights covering recruitment, remuneration, production planning and working methods. In most cases other businesses in the area, when threatened with strike action, chose to head off the threat by adopting equivalent agreements in respect of their own factories. His reputation buoyed by these
1951:
Reinhard
Schwitzer: 50 Jahre Bode-Panzer-Streik Hannover 1946–1996. Veranstaltung anläßlich der 3. Vertreterversammlung der IG Metall-Verwaltungsstelle Hannover am 23. November 1996. Industriegewerkschaft Metall für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Verwaltungsstelle Hannover, Hannover
321:. Nevertheless, the rise of the extremists and of other right wing parties meant the SPD were no longer part of the government coalition after 1930. It was therefore from a position of relative political weakness that in 1931 the party supported the building of a new generation of
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from a "class-party" to a "people's party", the result would be to blur the inherent conflict of interests between labour and capital, and involve transforming the two sides in a wages negotiation into "social partners". Brenner rejected such a model, as did his colleagues on the
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in 1962 confirmed him in his assessment that "the democratic order, and above all those called upon to serve as its guardians, are still not immune from the temptations of authoritarian undemocratic operations". A few years later he unhesitatingly lined up the union alongside the
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decision, much to the disappointment of various younger union colleagues who had hoped that he would call a general strike over the issue. Brenner was adamant that as a democrat he had to respect a parliamentary majority decision even when he believed it to wrong. At the 9th
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in 1922. Driven by a conviction that alcohol and tobacco were contributing to the catastrophic material condition and what he perceived as the political lethargy of working people, he campaigned energetically against their misuse, and in 1926 founded a local branch of the
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till long after
Brenner left the stage. In the inter-union conflicts that were a feature of the West German industrial scene during the 1950s he was uncompromising in his hostility to communist activism, which he saw as a serious threat to trades union solidarity. Within
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means of production, he concluded that under a capitalist system there could never be true peace. This meant that the post-war order must deliver a non-exploitative, non-capitalist socialist society. After various exploratory political contacts, he decided to rejoin the
747:. Behind the scenes the "Circle of Ten" exercised a powerful influence over key personnel selections and strategic decisions taken by the trades union movement. During the later 1950s the circle disintegrated as the members' socio-political ambitions diverged.
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Alongside the business of wage negotiations and promoting a social-political strategy, there was necessarily always a more directly party-political dimension to trades union leadership during Otto
Brenner's time at the top. From beyond the no longer so porous
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Early on Brenner decided to devote himself to recreating the trades unions, which had been destroyed under the Hitler government. In May 1945 he was a co-founder of the General Trades Union in the territory which by the end of 1946 had been relaunched as
1121:(which eventually came into force, as the 17th amendment, in 1968). In his judgement, consciously or unconsciously, they were a means whereby the political class put West Germany's young democracy on the line. It mattered. When they passed the so-called
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provision of "emergency acts" in the constitution involved drastic curtailments of fundamental human rights. Brenner was able to bring a keen historical perspective to the matter, having himself lived through the curtailment of basic rights during the
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on 10 April 1945. Otto Brenner and his family had survived. Filled with the hope that it might at last be possible to build a new life Brenner committed himself unreservedly to rebuilding the city. True to his longstanding conviction that the
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that denied workers the fundamental right to strike had no right to hold itself out as representing the interests of the workers, nor any right to solicit favours from the trades union movement in West Germany or to impart "good advice"
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eighteen months of uncertainty that followed he was permitted to remain in touch with his wife by letter. The charge, when it came on 9 May 1935, was the usual one under these circumstances: "Preparing to commit high treason" (
1166:). West Germany remained a "capitalist class-based society": the role of the trades unions in defending the positions of working people was an important one. Just as he compared the proposed "emergency acts" with the infamous
937:, which he saw as a move to integrate West Germany into the west. He contended that if the two German states were integrated into competing international power blocs, a rapid peaceful reunification would become unthinkable.
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Brenner never compromised his conviction that the "strike weapon" was inalienable as a means to enforce workers' rights in any bourgeois democracy. The absence of any "right to strike" was one of his core criticisms of the
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rights for factory and office employees in the enterprise and in the economy". After a hard-fought struggle Brenner succeeded in concluding a benchmark agreement, which gave the works council a comprehensive package of
1351:"...ĂśberfĂĽhrung der SchlĂĽĂźelindustrien in Gemeineigentum, insbesondere des Bergbaues, der Eisen- und Stahlindustrie, der GroĂźchemie, der Energiewirtchaft, der wichtigen Verkehrseinrichtungen und der Kreditinstitute".
286:. In the end the strikers succeeded in pushing through significant wage increases. Brenner drew valuable lessons about both the responsibilities and the sheer power of trades unions from the experience. However, the
854:" had become the ruling party in a new kind of one-party dictatorship. Despite the fact that in West Germany the Communist Party never came close to receiving the levels of electoral support it had enjoyed
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Otto Brenner: Die Gewerkschaften in Staatund Wirtschaft. Vortrag vordem Demokratischen Hoch-schulbund in Braunschweig, 13. 2. 1964, in: "Gewerkschaftliche Dynamikin unserer Zeit", Frankfurt/M.1966, p. 14
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during the 1950s. The risk he saw was rather the progressive distortion of the democracy through a combination of mistakes by politicians, economic crises and socio-psychological insecurities. Within the
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Otto Brenner: Die Gewerkschaften in Staat und Wirtschaft, Vortrag vor dem Demokratischen Hochschulbund in Braunschweig, 13 February 1964, in: "Gewerkschaftliche Dynamikin unserer Zeit", Frankfurt/M.1966
373:. He called for a "united proletarian front" of the KPD, SPD and SAPD. His urgent arguments, and those of fellow SAPD activists, failed to find significant resonance within the SPD and the KPD, however.
1133:) which, if implemented, would impose severe constraints on citizens' rights. It was only on 5 May 1955 that West Germany was declared to enjoy "the full authority of a sovereign state", following the
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818:). There was also an understanding that reducing the standard working week could be a way to secure more jobs, thereby doing something to counteract the steady march of "workplace rationalisation".
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719:. The fact that their regular meetings were "secret" seems, over time, to have intensified interest in the "Circle" among commentators and journalists. Other members included Brenner's former
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on 25 June 1935, was relatively mild. He was sentenced to a two-year jail term. This had largely been spent in pre-trial detention, and a few months later he was able to return to his wife in
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which had put an end to democracy for twelve years, and it was hard to find anyone who would assert that the government of that time had used its enhanced powers to benefit the people. The
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IG Metall (publisher):Protokoll des 9. ordentlichen Gewerkschaftstages der Industriegewerkschaft Metall für die BundesrepublikDeutschland in München, 2–7 September 1968, Frankfurt/M, p. 66
679:. For him the unions had a comprehensive political, social and cultural mandate to fulfill: that involved achieving social change through democratic methods. That meant that for Brenner,
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action plan which he himself co-initiated in May 1954. By means of significant wage and salary increases, the introduction of holiday pay and the gradual move to a 40-hour working week.
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Otto Brenner, "Gewerk-schaft und Kulturpolitik«.Referat auf der 12. Vertreterversammlung des Gesamtverbandes Braunschweigischer Lehrer, 10 April 1957, in: "Ausgewählte Reden", p. 142.
875:. Just as resolutely – if a little less brutally – he rejected aspirations to positions of power of any "Christian-Socialist" unionists who, even while they complained that the
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ended in 1945, it is nevertheless important to emphasize that through the 1930s Brenner never stopped supporting the economic positions of the SPD, especially with regard to
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had left the way open for a "legally sanctioned" reversal of history, taking the country back to a pre-democratic condition (which, many believed, was already happening in
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to take a fundamentally new direction in the later 1950s, transforming itself from a "socialist workers' party" to a "people's party". The new strategy was embodied in the
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was that during the postwar decades there was, in West Germany, no appetite for the politics of the left. At home the economic and socio-political fruits of the so-called
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and developing his own (not always uncritical) philosophy of socialism. At around the same time that he launched the local DAAB branch, by now aged 21, he also joined the
1129:. In the event of a domestic emergency (such as a natural catastrophe) or an international emergency (such as a war) there were simply a set of "laws in the cupboard" (
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threatened to the constitutional legality of trades unions. Taking the matter back to first principles, Brenner was convinced that the constitutional rules imposed in
325:. Citing a "credibility deficit", Brenner resigned angrily from the party. According to some reports he was expelled from it. Either way, he now joined the breakaway
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1395:"... die demokratische Ordnung und vor allem ihre berufenen Hüter nochimmer nicht gegen die Anfechtungen einer autoritären, undemokratischen Handhabung gefeit sind"
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Werner Thönnessen:»Was dann folgen wird,liegt noch im dunkeln«,zitiert nach ders.: Mein Torzur Welt. Ein Lebenswerk als Gewerkschafter und Intellektueller, p. 146
609:. Schumacher also persuaded Brenner to become active in local and "national" politics in (and possibly beyond) what was administered between 1945 and 1949 as the
214:. By the time he reached the age of fifteen he had contracted a severe lung disease which would leave him vulnerable to lung disorders for the rest of his life.
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in 1949, the legislators had left out any comprehensive regulation in respect of a potential emergency situation concerning the reservation of rights to the
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rose to six million: those affected suffered real hardship. In 1931 Otto Brenner became one of them. Brenner had long held a strong belief in the power of
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475:. The extent and nature of Brenner's involvement in the group is hard to determine, however, and it probably lasted for no more than a few months.
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wrote that "Otto Brenner ... embodies more than any other German trades union leader that generation – a link between the older generation of the
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combined to determine that during the 1950s and most of the 1960s insufficient West Germany voters were willing to vote against the centre-right
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For Otto Brenner political and social democracy were indivisible. Therefore, his principal twin-track objective for the postwar order was for
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675:. Even if the top priority for a negotiation was wage rates, his approach to trades union strategy was always a far wider one, grounded in a
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which involved, according to at least one source, the largest industrial lock-out in the industrial north-west of Germany during the entire
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and the free trades union movement in West Germany there existed an "organic solidarity" firmly entrenched in shared underlying interests.
166:– which rescued the best traditions of the German labour movement to the present day, bridging the intervening abyss of the Fascist rule".
400:. For them, and for Otto Brenner, economic democracy offered the route towards a socialist democratic structure by means of a gradual and
453:, like most other political parties, became illegal. Otto Brenner nevertheless believed in the need to use the party as an instrument of
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144:(8 November 1907 – 15 April 1972) was a German trades unionist and politician. Between 1956 and 1972 he was the leader of the powerful
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into which the western two thirds of Germany had been divided back in 1945 were grouped together and relaunched, in May 1949, as the
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Brenner rigorously excluded from positions of power any trades unionists who refused to distance themselves from the goals of the
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Otto Brenner: Rede auf der SPD-Mit-gliederversammlung im Palmengarten Frankfurt/M.,20 August 1957, in: Ausgewählte Reden, p. 153.
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1092:. During that period he served, between 14 June 1951 and 9 February 1953 as chairman of the assembly's Social Affairs committee.
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did little to engender political protest. Internationally the use of Soviet military muscle in 1956 to crush reform movements in
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World War II Order of Battle: An Encyclopedic Reference to U.S. Army Ground Forces from Battalion through Division, 1939–1946
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Civil Defense Division: The United States Strategic Bombing Survey, Hanover-Field-Report. Second Edition, 1947, pp. 125–128.
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795:". Brenner refused to see that as a reason to compromise on the basic tenets of the "Munich Programme" agreed within the
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It was in 1925, after a period of illness, that he took unskilled work in the electrical components section of the local
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which peaked in the Autumn/Fall of 1943; but the bombs continued to drop till April 1945. Having lived through the
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1342:"Die Wirtschaft ist kein Selbstzweck. Sie hat menschlichen BedĂĽrfnissen und gesellschaftlichen Zwecken zu dienen".
564:, Otto Brenner drew one conclusion in particular to which he would remain true for the rest of his life: "Another
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An important personal development was Brenner's marriage to his long-time friend Martha Werner on 3 August 1933.
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changes and the differences of opinion involved, Brenner refused to infer any conflict of interest between the
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A couple of years after the war started, on 1 October 1941, Heike Brenner, the Brenners' only child, was born.
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had a membership of around 200, and they elected Brenner their branch chairman. The defining purpose of the
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only a minority of the memberships shared Brenner's views over this. Eventually, during the course of
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for the promotion of scientific research and knowledge is named after him, as is the annually awarded
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testimony to this was commitment was the commitment he showed to the developing and implementing the
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ten months later ushered in a period of sustained economic downturn across Europe. Unemployment in
247:. He consumed alcohol only very sparingly. Meanwhile, it was at the social events organised by the
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In a tribute published in 1967 to celebrate Brenner's sixtieth birthday the politician-commentator
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in April 1972, aged just 64. Werner Thönnessen, his former presschief, contributed an obituary to
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undermined party-political neutraility, were themselves closely associated with the centre-right
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leadership and their trades union allies. Later he would make it clear that he believed that the
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Otto Brenner: "Wir brauchen ein gewerkschaftliches Aktionsprogramm", in: "Metall" 12 May 1954
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Barbara Simon: Abgeordnete in Niedersachsen 1946–1994: biographisches Handbuch, 1996, p. 53
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Flankierende MaĂźnahmen: Gewerkschaftlichen Ostpolitik zwischen kaltem Krieg und Entspannung
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of the internal German border during the 1950s, culminating in with the erection of the
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successes, in 1947 Brenner became district head of what would become IG Metall Hanover.
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programme. Within the DGB this set him at odds with the so-called modernisers, such as
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1754:"Käte Brenner (* 14. Dezember 1912 in Hannover, + 27. September 2001 in Hannover)"
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The first industrial strike in postwar Germany took place in December 1946 at the
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Hans O. Hemmer (author); Christian Jansen (editor-compiler) (19 February 2018).
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in September 1939, he avoided conscription. He was, however, sent to work in
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in German history, which the unions had organised in 1920 (as requested by
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Following release he was permitted to work as an electrician in and around
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A succession of disappointing results in national elections persuaded the
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intervene most especially if he saw that the democratic principles of the
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During the early 1950s Otto Brenner was a member of the "Circle of Ten" (
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Otto Brenner always believed that there was a residual latent danger of
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and, especially, in parallel discussions for a new Godesberg-compatible
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Between 1 November and 3 December 1928 he participated in the so-called
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1080:. Between 6 May 1951 and his exclusion from it 15 February 1954 he was
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576:
543:
510:
338:
255:
240:
198:
58:
1862:
Jörg Friedrich: Der Brand. Deutschland im Bombenkrieg 1940–1945, p. 83
766:
coalition narrowly winning power, which was both a disappointment for
2335:. SchlĂĽtersche Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Company KG. p. 83.
1198:
1897:
Vergleichende Lebenbeschreibung von Metallen, Holzern und Textilern
2295:
Zum Wandel der deutschen Sozialdemokratie von Ollenhauer zu Brandt
1894:
Gerhard Beier (author); Hans O. Hemmer (compiler) (8 March 2013).
1577:. Albrecht MĂĽller i.A. die NachDenkSeiten, Landau. 1 December 2005
1575:"Otto Brenner Stiftung verlieh Preise fĂĽr kritischen Journalismus"
251:
that he met Martha Werner who would subsequently become his wife.
239:, taking on the chairmanship himself. He would remain a life-long
207:
1496:. Bibliothek der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Bonn. pp. 337–341
2420:
Berater formulierten das Nein der IG Metall zur Vermögensbildung
2226:
1648:
Das "Haus der Arbeit", Zentrum der Hannoversche Arbeiterbewegung
775:. Between 1952 and 1956 Otto Brenner served as vice-chairman of
2209:
2207:
895:
they were happy (if without much success) to try and promote.
711:). This was an informal group of leading decision makers from
630:). In 1947 he became chairman of the union's Metals Division (
369:
must accept a share of the responsibility for the collapse of
783:
as senior chairman. A second general election defeat for the
588:
represented a crisis-management response to issues involving
2297:. Institut für Zeitgeschichte, München, 1977. pp. 71–97
357:. Brenner decried what he saw as the "capitulation policy" (
1146:
government had invoked "emergency" conditions to introduce
1611:
Der Boß der IG Metall – naiver Moralist und kühler Rechner
1117:
For almost ten years Brenner was among those opposing the
835:
did nothing to refute the growing belief that the postwar
791:
was deeply disappointing. There would be no rapid end to "
392:
as propounded by two particularly influential economists,
2288:"Das Godesberger Programm und die Krise des Ruhrbergbaus"
2457:. BPR Dr. Schäpertöns Consult GmbH & Co. KG, München
464:, a resistance group built up since 1930 by the Hanover
460:
During the summer of 1933 he was also involved with the
1550:
Die Otto Brenner Stiftung: Die Stiftung auf einen Blick
528:
on civil engineering projects and as a courier for the
1234:
which passed into law in 1968. Brenner respected the
1170:
of the Weimar constitution, he recalled the greatest
2377:"Siebzehntes Gesetz zur Ergänzung des Grundgesetzes"
1375:
remained separate, and was itself relaunched as the
353:
in order to protect the country from a take-over by
131:
123:
109:
87:
69:
44:
21:
1720:"Otto Brenner – ein Streiterum soziale Demokratie"
1875:(Revised Edition, 2006), Stackpole Books, p. 156.
1456:
1454:
1452:
1450:
1448:
1446:
1444:
1442:
1440:
980:tensions which brought the world to the brink of
921:eventually imposed on the country in 1968 by the
502:. He remained under police surveillance till the
162:and the younger generation that grew to maturity
2523:People convicted of treason against Nazi Germany
2115:Bildnachweise: Archiv der IG Metall, Frankfurt/M
1974:
1972:
1970:
1968:
1823:
1821:
1756:. Geschäftsstelle der SPD in der Region Hannover
1438:
1436:
1434:
1432:
1430:
1428:
1426:
1424:
1422:
1420:
259:leading the Marxist study circle of the Hanover
2513:Socialist Workers' Party of Germany politicians
2455:"Sanierung der Otto-Brenner-BrĂĽcke in NĂĽrnberg"
1569:
1567:
2518:Social Democratic Party of Germany politicians
1516:"Otto Brenner, Chairman Of German Metal Union"
1386:" took place slightly over four decades later.
988:coalition under the reassuring leaderships of
771:of social relationships in the newly launched
1889:
1887:
1885:
1883:
1881:
1781:ISK, SAP, "Komitee fĂĽr Proletarische Einheit"
345:was to promote a coming together between the
329:" Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands"
8:
687:experienced as the "social market economy" (
663:Trades unions as an engine for social reform
2117:. Landesarchiv Baden-WĂĽrttemberg, Stuttgart
1713:
1711:
1709:
1707:
1705:
1703:
1701:
1699:
1697:
1695:
1693:
1691:
1689:
1687:
1685:
1637:
1635:
1633:
1631:
1629:
1627:
1481:
1479:
1065:Between 1946 and 1953 Brenner served as an
1040:executive. With equal vigour they rejected
976:of 1962 and the overall intensification of
929:of the two Germanies on either side of the
809:extent to which Brenner set the course for
1683:
1681:
1679:
1677:
1675:
1673:
1671:
1669:
1667:
1665:
1600:
1598:
1596:
1594:
1592:
1552:. Otto Brenner Stiftung, Frankfurt am Main
1546:"Die Geschichte der Otto Brenner Stiftung"
1464:. Otto Brenner Stiftung, Frankfurt am Main
1324:"Es darf nie wieder zu einem 1933 kommen!"
1290:has been awarded in his memory since 2005.
1270:de:BundesstraĂźe 4 RNuremberg Ring Autobahn
1232:"Emergency Acts" constitutional amendments
1152:"emergency acts" constitutional amendments
1119:"Emergency Acts" constitutional amendments
919:"Emergency Acts" constitutional amendments
333:. By the start of 1932 the local SAPD for
29:
18:
1380:German Democratic Republic (East Germany)
1103:German Democratic Republic (East Germany)
839:should best be understood as a proxy for
267:"Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands"
628:"Allgemeinen Gewerkschaft Niedersachsen"
305:held the largest number of seats in the
2069:. Oldenbourg Verlag. pp. 398–414.
1416:
1302:
2508:Members of the Landtag of Lower Saxony
2358:
2348:
2216:"Der Konflikt um die Notstandsgesetze"
2193:
2183:
2092:
2082:
2045:
2034:
2024:
1934:
1923:
1913:
1807:
1797:
1369:German Federal Republic (West Germany)
1314:, 1967 & quoted by himself in 1972
1195:German Federal Republic (West Germany)
1123:"Basic Law" (provisional constitution)
846:. Nevertheless, the Communist party's
773:German Federal Republic (West Germany)
317:they still comfortably out-polled the
2386:. Bundesanzeiger Verlag. 24 June 1968
917:during the run-up to the contentious
562:German disaster between 1933 and 1945
235:"Deutscher Arbeiter-Abstinenten-Bund"
197:Otto Brenner was born and grew up in
7:
2414:Werner MĂĽhlbradt (5 November 1976).
1178:government ministers) to defend the
1061:City council and regional parliament
471:, apparently in anticipation of the
376:In the light of developments in the
16:German trade unionist and politician
1900:. Springer-Verlag. pp. 62–64.
1279:) was renamed Otto Brenner Street (
933:. That was also why he opposed the
750:The West German election result of
697:German Trades Union Confederation (
449:during the first part of 1933. The
233:German Workers' Abstinence League (
2170:. Mohr Siebeck. pp. 191–193.
1784:. Schlütersche. pp. 542–543.
1201:revival in the state formed under
1090:Hannover-Linden electoral district
1027:loosely, "building workers' union"
1023:, the long-standing leader of the
935:Paris conventions ratified in 1955
605:following his liberation from the
568:must never be allowed to happen."
148:(Industrial Union of Metalworkers)
14:
2214:Michael Schneider (August 1986).
940:The real problem for Brenner and
2063:Julia Angster (1 January 2009).
2011:. De Gruyter. pp. 171–176.
1752:Jasmin & Frank StraĂźburger.
1605:Kai Hermann (25 February 1966).
1017:Trades Union Confederation (DGB)
915:"Extra parliamentary opposition"
1288:Otto-Brenner (journalism) prize
1053:and the trades unions. Between
731:. There were also three former
462:Committee for Proletarian Unity
424:subject to democratic control.
208:rivet-warmer and rivet-presser
1:
699:"Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund"
693:"MĂĽnchener Grundsatzprogramm"
607:Neuengamme concentration camp
538:During the final part of the
517:) and therefore, despite the
492:"Vorbereitung zum Hochverrat"
1718:Harald Jentsch (June 2008).
1607:"BĂĽrgerschreck Otto Brenner"
515:"unfit for military service"
473:National Socialist take-over
218:Politics and trades unionism
2164:David Johst (13 May 2016).
1264:The "Otto Brenner Bridge" (
1230:agreed to a version of the
898:Under Brenner's leadership
891:whose influence within the
677:social philosophical vision
416:that was ended only by the
378:Federal Republic of Germany
2539:
2503:German trade union leaders
2255:(online). 21 November 1966
2223:Friedrich Ebert Foundation
1733:, Berlin. pp. 554–560
1650:. DGB, Niedersachsen-Mitte
1520:Paywall restrictions apply
1268:) which forms part of the
1197:, not because he feared a
837:Communist Party of Germany
816:"Samstag gehört Vati mir!"
649:". Brenner demanded "full
632:"Wirtschaftsgruppe Metall"
617:Rebuilding trades unionism
428:National Socialism and war
327:Socialist Workers' Party (
193:Provenance and early years
2498:German resistance members
1986:(online). 4 November 1959
1731:Rosa Luxemburg Foundation
1462:"Das Leben Otto Brenners"
1362:military occupation zones
833:1953 East German uprising
689:"soziale Marktwirtschaft"
624:the state of Lower Saxony
546:, able to experience the
265:Social Democratic Party (
28:
2493:Politicians from Hanover
1272:was named in his honour.
704:and credit institutes".
579:was liberated by the US
371:Germany's first republic
2416:"Wer fĂĽr Loderer denkt"
1259:Celebration (selection)
1148:"emergency legislation"
1127:allied occupying powers
1086:Landtag of Lower Saxony
881:Social Democratic Party
844:imperialist aspirations
611:British occupation zone
388:"Wirtschaftsdemokratie"
171:Otto-Brenner Foundation
91:Skilled factory worker
1382:five months later. "
1373:Soviet occupation zone
1249:Cardiovascular disease
1216:coalition negotiations
1107:party and a government
964:of the same year, the
927:peaceful reunification
923:Allied Control Council
879:'s close links to the
848:rebranded sister party
581:84th Infantry Division
504:end of the 1939–45 war
359:"Kapitulationspolitik"
1980:"Otto der GuĂźeiserne"
1281:"Otto-Brenner-StraĂźe"
1275:The "Joseph Street" (
1266:"Otto-Brenner-BrĂĽcke"
1247:Otto Brenner died of
1025:IG Bau-Steine-Erden (
455:resistance to tyranny
301:As later as 1932 the
2327:Waldemar R. Röhrbein
1835:(online). 1 May 1963
1384:German reunification
974:Cuban Missile Crisis
542:Brenner was back in
386:economic democracy (
355:right-wing populists
228:Metal Workers' Union
99:Trades union officer
37:Axel Hindemith, 2007
2329:(6 December 2010).
1131:"Schubladengesetze"
1096:Fundamental beliefs
1088:, representing the
946:Wirtschaftswunder (
695:) – adopted by the
683:, which after 1949
601:who had settled in
530:Frankfurter Zeitung
496:Hamm District Court
483:immediate aftermath
402:peaceful transition
309:national parliament
96:Resistance activist
2229:. pp. 482–494
2167:Politischer Streik
2037:has generic name (
1926:has generic name (
1360:Three of the four
1199:National Socialist
1144:National Socialist
669:economic democracy
647:economic democracy
435:was followed by a
418:National Socialist
315:July 1932 election
313:, and even at the
276:Ruhr Iron Strike (
175:Otto Brenner Prize
93:Political activist
2384:BGBl. I page. 709
2342:978-3-8426-8207-8
2249:"Regierungskrise"
2177:978-3-16-153102-6
2076:978-3-486-59453-9
2018:978-3-05-007173-2
1907:978-3-322-83344-0
1871:Stanton, Shelby,
1791:978-3-87706-364-4
1487:Peter von Oertzen
1312:Peter von Oertzen
1112:"gute Ratschläge"
1070:City councillor (
1013:Godesberg Program
1009:Godesberg Program
406:1929 market crash
398:Rudolf Hilferding
288:Wall Street Crash
278:"Ruhreisenstreit"
156:Peter von Oertzen
139:
138:
77:Frankfurt am Main
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1322:
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1135:Paris agreements
1055:Social Democracy
948:economic miracle
905:Federal Republic
725:Hermann Beermann
673:co-determination
656:co-determination
595:Social Democrats
572:Aftermath of war
500:Hanover-Buchholz
437:rapid transition
410:Great Depression
351:Communists (KPD)
261:Young Socialists
249:Young Socialists
226:in 1920 and the
224:Young Socialists
183:
114:Spartacus League
55:11 November 1907
54:
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2111:"BrĂĽmmer, Hans"
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2066:Die Zehnerkreis
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1526:. 16 April 1972
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829:internal border
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756:Konrad Adenauer
745:"Siggi" Neumann
665:
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599:Kurt Schumacher
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212:carbon monoxide
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110:Political party
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1491:"Otto Brenner"
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1180:young republic
1172:general strike
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910:Spiegel affair
889:(Bavarian) CSU
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573:
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487:Reichstag fire
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394:Peretz Naftali
382:Nazi nightmare
296:self-education
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73:15 April 1972
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2459:. Retrieved
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1988:. Retrieved
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1837:. Retrieved
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1776:Klaus Mlynek
1770:
1758:. Retrieved
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1400:
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1366:US sponsored
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1182:against the
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1140:Hitler years
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931:iron curtain
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160:Weimar years
153:
147:
142:Otto Brenner
141:
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81:West Germany
36:
23:Otto Brenner
2488:1972 deaths
2483:1907 births
2359:|work=
2253:Der Spiegel
2194:|work=
2093:|work=
2046:|work=
1984:Der Spiegel
1935:|work=
1833:Der Spiegel
1808:|work=
1737:28 February
1581:28 February
1556:28 February
1530:28 February
1500:28 February
1468:28 February
1253:Der Spiegel
1184:Kapp Putsch
1114:) to them.
1021:Georg Leber
982:nuclear war
970:Berlin Wall
966:sealing off
962:Suez Crisis
856:before 1933
737:Eduard Wald
651:co-decision
643:Bode-Panzer
548:destructive
506:, however.
469:Eduard Wald
307:Reichstag (
178: [
105:(1956–1972)
2477:Categories
1411:References
1168:Article 48
1072:"Ratsherr"
793:capitalism
733:communists
681:capitalism
590:capitalist
380:after the
319:Communists
245:vegetarian
241:non-smoker
164:after 1945
146:IG Metall
101:Leader of
51:1907-11-11
2361:ignored (
2351:cite book
2196:ignored (
2186:cite book
2095:ignored (
2085:cite book
2048:ignored (
2027:cite book
1937:ignored (
1916:cite book
1810:ignored (
1800:cite book
1283:) in 1972
1241:IG Metall
1236:Bundestag
1047:Godesberg
998:Kiesinger
942:IG Metall
900:IG Metall
865:IG Metall
811:IG Metall
806:IG Metall
777:IG Metall
713:IG Metall
641:plant of
526:Frankfurt
519:return of
466:communist
421:take-over
361:) of the
323:war tanks
103:IG Metall
2426:(online)
2424:Die Zeit
2286:(2002).
1778:(1992).
1371:. The
1226:and the
1210:and the
1203:Adenauer
1082:a member
1078:Hannover
990:Adenauer
978:Cold War
822:Politics
723:friends
715:and the
555:American
408:and the
349:and the
132:Children
2461:5 March
2430:5 March
2390:4 March
2301:4 March
2259:2 March
2233:2 March
2121:2 March
1990:4 March
1839:1 March
1760:1 March
1654:1 March
1616:5 March
1193:in the
1191:Fascism
1084:of the
1042:Leber's
986:CDU/CSU
954:Hungary
950:) years
779:, with
639:Hanover
603:Hanover
577:Hanover
558:bombing
551:British
544:Hanover
511:Hanover
485:of the
481:In the
339:Hanover
331:/ SAPD)
292:Germany
256:Hanomag
237:/ DAAB)
199:Hanover
63:Germany
59:Hanover
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1142:. The
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960:, the
958:Poland
841:Soviet
701:/ DGB)
404:. The
269:/ SPD)
124:Spouse
2380:(PDF)
2291:(PDF)
2219:(PDF)
1952:1997.
1723:(PDF)
1494:(PDF)
1298:Notes
1038:union
444:party
182:]
2463:2019
2432:2019
2392:2019
2363:help
2337:ISBN
2303:2019
2261:2019
2235:2019
2227:Bonn
2198:help
2172:ISBN
2154:p.11
2123:2019
2097:help
2071:ISBN
2050:help
2039:help
2013:ISBN
1992:2019
1939:help
1928:help
1902:ISBN
1841:2019
1812:help
1786:ISBN
1762:2019
1739:2019
1656:2019
1618:2019
1583:2019
1558:2019
1532:2019
1502:2019
1470:2019
1286:The
1220:1966
1176:some
1160:1949
1156:1919
1105:: a
996:and
956:and
887:and
871:and
860:1945
789:1953
754:saw
752:1949
743:and
727:and
671:and
566:1933
553:and
451:SAPD
441:one-
396:and
343:SAPD
243:and
188:Life
169:The
70:Died
45:Born
1228:CDU
1224:SPD
1218:in
1212:SPD
1208:DGB
1076:in
1067:SPD
1051:SPD
1033:SPD
1005:SPD
893:DGB
885:CDU
877:DGB
873:SED
869:KPD
802:DGB
797:DGB
787:in
785:SPD
768:SPD
764:FDP
760:CDU
758:'s
721:ISK
717:DGB
586:war
540:war
522:war
439:to
367:SPD
363:SPD
347:SPD
303:SPD
203:war
118:KPD
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