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123:, was the employers' main spokesman during the dispute, and addressed meetings at Mountain Ash and Aberdare to present the masters' case to large crowds of workmen. At a public meeting at Aberdare, held in the Market Hall, he callied on the colliers to return to work. In his speech, Bruce recognised that his family had extensive interests in the coal industry but he also claimed that he wished to play a conciliating role in terminating the strike. In the course of a lengthy speech, Bruce argued that the owners were acting reasonably in reducing wages in view of the general economic climate and the condition of both the coal and iron trades in the district.
143:, who was followed by his fellow minister David Price relating his own experience as a striking miner many years before. The apparent understanding between Bruce and these prominent nonconformist ministers reflects the antipathy of the chapel leadership towards trade unionism. According to one report, Thomas Price proceeded to add some remarks of his own, seeking to induce the men to return to work. His behaviour at this meeting would later be recalled during the 1868 General Election in the constituency, when Bruce was defeated.
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that the miners' were being misled in relation to price of coal at
Cardiff and that the proposed reductions in wages were well in excess of what the condition of trade could justify. Other press reports expressed some sympathy with the claims made by the men about advances in wages not having been granted when the price of coal was increasing. There were also significant references to grievances about the introduction of machinery which cut across traditional methods of cutting coal. The Baptist journal,
150:
On 14 December, two days after the meeting at
Aberdare, a mass meeting of miners (some 10,000 according to one press report) was held on Hirwaun Common. In contrast to the meeting at the Market Hall, this demonstration was addressed by miners' leaders only. One of their number, Lewis Morgan, claimed
134:
While his first speech was relatively conciliatory, Bruce then launched into an attack on the miners' claims and compared their demands with the income that farm labourers in
Carmarthenshire and Glamorgan could expect. He referred to the extremism allegedly engendered by trade unionism elsewhere and
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During the autumn of 1857 it was widely rumoured that the coal owners were intending to impose a substantial reduction in wages. Amongst the miners there was a general recognition that some reduction was inevitable and a delegate meeting agreed to send a delegation to local coal owners to argue for
146:
It was estimated that, by the time of this meeting, around 6,500 miners were on strike and press reports refer both to the peaceful nature of the dispute and the strangely quiet atmosphere in the normally bustling
Aberdare Valley. Furnaces that had remained lit uninterrupted for twenty years were
189:
Another meeting was held at
Hirwaun Common where it was reported that several of the coal-owners had brought in workers from elsewhere to replace those on strike. Coal trimmers from Cardiff were said to be engaged at mountain Ash while thirty colliers from Pembrokeshire were reported to be at
166:
On 12 January, a meeting was held at
Mountain Ash, which strikers from the Monmouthshire valleys were expected to attend. However, it transpired that false rumours had been carried to Monmouthshire intimating that the strike was over at Aberdare. In consequence of the non-appearance of the
80:
In the early phase of the strike, there were rumours of some violence and intimidation, largely towards those engineers who were maintaining the pits in working order. It appears that the engineers succeeded in doing so at all pits, apart from that at the
Shepherds Pit,
126:
At this meeting, a very large attendance was reported, and a press report stated that no attempt at interruption occurred at any point. Bruce's speech was translated, for the benefit of those who did not speak Welsh, by the Rev David Price of
108:, Williams rejected the claims made by the miners that there was no reduction in the price of steam coal. He did not blame the men for seeking to sustain their wages but did allude to the threats being made, including flooding the mines.
131:. The meeting is significant due to the fact that a number of working men involved with the leadership of the strike spoke, or were invited to speak. These included David Williams, John Jones (Gwalch) and John Davies of Blaengwawr.
89:. Having initially been lodged at the Town Hall, the redcoats were removed to Cardiff when fears of disorder subsided. This appears to have resulted from the intervention of the local Member of Parliament,
180:
To my faithful
Brethren in the strike. I am very thankful to all of you for your valuable services in assisting me in my present troubles. Be faithful for a little while yet, and we will win the day.
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It has been argued that the religious revival of 1859 which had a considerable impact upon the town was at least partly instigated by the coal owners in their attempts to re-assert their authority.
575:
35:. The origins of the strike lay in the decision of the employers to impose a wage reduction of up to 20%, as a result of the general depression in trade in the aftermath of the
193:
Eventually the men were forced to return to work on the employers' terms and the episode had a later significance in the history of the valley and parliamentary constituency.
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The coal owners of the district, in contrast to the iron masters, saw themselves as Welsh entrepreneurs whose relationship with their workmen were generally good. Men such as
39:. During the dispute a trade union appeared amongst the miners of the Aberdare Valley but the men were ultimately forced to return to work on the terms set by the owners.
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It emerged that some threatening notices had been posted in the valley at this time, reminiscent of earlier industrial disputes in South Wales, most notably the
60:(which was published at Aberdare). However, when the masters refused to negotiate, the miners rejected the conciliatory advice of Price and came out on strike.
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97:, in particular, was critical of other newspapers in Cardiff and Swanase which it accused of wildly exaggerating the extent of disorder at Aberdare.
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Monmouthshire delegates, divisions among the men were made apparent. An old collier urged the men to return to work but the majority dissented.
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extinguished and, at night, the main source of light was the illumination caused by the ironworks at
Merthyr in the neighbouring valley.
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93:. In general, however, the dispute was a peaceful one and was characterised by the emergence of a trade union movement, and the
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The letter then proceeded to make vague threats of violence. At a meeting held at the Market Place in
Aberdare, John Jones (
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referred to alleged examples of intimidation and violence in the locality. Significantly, these comments were translated by
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a limited reduction. This conciliatory approach was supported by some influential local middle-class figures, most notably
101:
493:"Dr. Thomas Price and the election of 1868 in Merthyr Tydfil : a study in nonconformist politics (Part One)"
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of 1857–1858 was one of the first significant industrial disputes in the history of the steam coal trade of
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now found themselves in the unfamiliar position of being opposed by their employees. In a letter to the
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85:, where the engineers themselves joined the dispute. In this tense atmosphere, soldiers were sent to
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in the Monmouthshire Valleys in the 1820s.. The most notable example was a letter allegedly sent by
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Cwmpennar, although they appeared to have refused to work after realising the circumstances.
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By mid-December some of those who had shown sympathy with the men had changed their view.
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155:, emphasised the peaceful nature of this demonstration at Hirwaun in particular.
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Llafur: The Journal of the Society for the Study of Welsh Labour History
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515:"Religious revivalism and Welsh Industrial Society: Aberdare in 1859"
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The North Wales Chronicle and Advertiser for the Principality
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186:) explicitly denied being the author of this letter
325:"The Aberdare Colliers (letter by David Williams (
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56:and also editor of the Welsh language newspaper,
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576:Miners' labour disputes in the United Kingdom
299:"The Colliers Strike at Aberdare (editorial)"
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112:Public Meetings at Aberdare, December 1857
224:Jones. "Thomas Price (Part One)": 166–9.
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266:"The Great Strike and the Colliers"
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571:1858 labor disputes and strikes
566:1857 labor disputes and strikes
513:Turner, Christopher B. (1984).
451:. 16 January 1858. pp. 2–3
390:. 26 December 1857. p. 14
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491:Jones, Ieuan Gwynedd (1964).
416:. 19 December 1857. p. 2
361:. 12 December 1857. p. 6
335:. 12 December 1857. p. 2
305:. 12 December 1857. p. 3
272:. 12 December 1857. p. 6
270:Cardiff and Merthyr Guardian
76:, Published 12 December 1857
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384:"Aberdar – Y Sefyll Allan"
102:David Williams (Alaw Goch)
52:, influential minister of
561:Labour disputes in Wales
355:"The Strike at Aberdare"
237:Cite journal requires
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43:Origins of the Dispute
18:Aberdare Strike 1857-8
445:"The Aberdare Strike"
72:Article Snippet from
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501:Welsh History Review
359:Monmouthshire Merlin
485:Books and Journals
159:End of the Dispute
141:Calfaria, Aberdare
117:Henry Austin Bruce
91:Henry Austen Bruce
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54:Calfaria, Aberdare
449:Merthyr Telegraph
414:Merthyr Telegraph
333:Merthyr Telegraph
303:Merthyr Telegraph
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470:Turner 1984
455:17 November
420:13 November
394:10 November
388:Seren Cymru
365:10 November
339:11 November
309:12 November
153:Seren Cymru
64:The Dispute
37:Crimean War
33:South Wales
545:Categories
276:1 December
200:References
528:(1): 4–13
327:Alaw Goch
581:Aberdare
87:Aberdare
480:Sources
83:Cwmaman
58:Y Gwron
184:Gwalch
176:Y Tarw
518:(PDF)
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