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is the emergence of the black paulista (São Paulo) press, whose first newspaper, the
Menelick, begins to circulate in 1915. It is followed by A Rua (The Street) in 1916, O Alfinete (The Pin) in 1918, A Liberdade (Liberty) in 1919, A Sentinela (The Guardian) in 1920, O Getulino and O Clarim d'Alvorada (Clear Daybreak) in 1924. This wave of publications last until 1963 when O Correio d'Ébano was closed down. All of these newspapers were characterized by the fact of not covering major national events (which they carefully avoided). According to Moura, it "was a highly specialized press in its information and directed to a specific public" (1989).
235:(ACN - Black Cultural Association) in São Paulo in 1954. Even though it emerged as an ideological assertion movement, the ACN did not neglect providing assistance to its members by establishing culture, sport, student and feminine departments, and even a Recreation Committee. After a period of expansion, it entered a phase of decline and experienced a time of inactivity. It reemerged on May 13, 1977 with objectives focused more on assistance and philanthropy that included the creation of a school and free literacy courses. However, according to Moura, the ACN had lost "its initial ethos" and had to shut down its activities soon after.
133:(Tailors). The objectives of the rebelling baianos were, according to Moura, "much more radical, and the proposal to liberate the slaves was one of the main goals of their objectives. Among its leaders and members were included "freed blacks, black slaves, pardo slaves, freed pardos, artesans, tailors; those who were from the most oppressed or discriminated classes of Bahia colonial society".
242:(IPCN - Black Culture and Research Institute) is founded in Rio de Janeiro. It is an organization of great relevance for the black movement, and its sustainment is due to the contribution of hundreds of partners. One of the few entities to have their own facilities, the IPCN encountered financial problems at the end of the 1980s having to subsequently shut its doors.
203:(FNB - Brazilian Black Front). Established on September 16, 1931 due to a strong centralized organization in the form of a "Grand Counsel" of 20 members and presided over by a chief or boss (this caused it to be accused of being a Fascist movement). Relying on thousands of members and sympathizers, the FNB had a featured role in the fight against
218:, all political parties, including the FNB, were declared illegal and dissolved. From that moment until redemocratization in 1945, black social movements had to recede back to their traditional forms of cultural resistance. The only possible exception during this period (but is categorized as cultural resistance) is connected to the actions of
263:. The MNU created Centros de Luta (Fighting Centers) in cities and town across Brazil to promote social activism at the local level. The MNU led to the creation of the first public body dedicated to the support of Afro-Brazilian social movements in 1984, known as the Participation Council And Development of the Black Community.
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all levels, even before our very eyes" (Moura 1989). Moura gives examples referring to the samba schools of Rio de
Janeiro that from spontaneous popular manifestations during the first decades of the 20th century converted into a highly lucrative business for its directors that relied on official protection from the state.
117:
the problems surrounding the quilombagem could only be solved by violence and not through dialogue. Even though there existed exceptions like the
Republic of Palmares which lasted for almost a century, most of the quilombola movements did not have the means to resist for long against the oppressive mechanism of the state.
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was virtually the last organized armed black rebellion that took place in Brazil. From then on black groups sought out alternative forms of resistance, "especially in leisure, cultural or sport groups" (Moura 1989). This pacific form of resistance already existed during the era of slavery even though
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In Moura's study the quilombagem as an emancipatory movement "greatly precedes the liberal abolitionist movement" that only began to be more public after 1880 when slavery had already entered into crisis. Nevertheless, because of the absence of mediators between the rebel slaves and the ruling class,
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Since these practices did not occur in a social vacuum, Moura alerts to the fact that these groups did not conserve their original purity since they "suffered the acculturated influence (that is, whitening) of the dominant ideological mechanism. It is an ideological-cultural battle that is fought on
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stop applying the punishment of flogging to sailors who were in their majority black. Despite this victory and a promise of amnesty the leadership of the movement was almost completely exterminated a year later. Even João Cândido who had survived purged by the government, lived out the final days of
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With São Paulo and Rio de
Janeiro as principal centers of mobilization, the Afro-Brazilian social movements began to forge new paths beginning in the 1910s in an attempt to fight for the recently acquired citizenship and transform themselves into national organization. The first major manifestation
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movement, it was a constant and significant demoralizing force for the slave system undermining the slave system on several levels—economic, social and military. This kind of activity greatly influenced the crisis that the slave economy experienced and was eventually substituted by free labor" (22,
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After the abolition of slavery, a certain portion of the black groups engaged themselves in the defense of
Isabelism, a kind of cult to Princess Isabel who was given the name of "redeemer" as if abolition had been an "act of personal kindness" from the regent (Moura 1989). One of the most fervent
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composed of "capoeiras and marginalized individuals" whose principal function was to disperse republican rallies through the use of force. However, with the downfall of the Empire and the proclamation of the
Republic, José do Patrocínio joined the winning side, and the Black Guard was dissolved.
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where escaped slaves sought refuge in addition to all sort of individuals excluded and marginalized by society during the colonial era, the quilombagem comprised "other forms of individual or collective protests" such as insurrections (the most notable one being in
Salvador in 1835) and
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whom in 1944 in Rio de
Janeiro founded the Teatro Experimental do Negro (TEN - Black Experimental Theater). Nascimento was responsible for an expressive theatrical production that sought to boost "the consciousness of black Brazilians" and combat racial discrimination (Moura 1989).
207:, for example, having been responsible for the inclusion of blacks in the Public Force of São Paulo. After attaining success, the FNB decided to establish itself as a political party, and in doing allowed them to be involved in the Electoral Tribunal in 1936.
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believers of this movement was José do Patrocínio who sought to mobilize ex-slaves to defend the monarchy who had been threatened by the surge in groups who intended to establish a republic in Brazil. This movement culminated in the foundation of the
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police headquarters in São Paulo; the discrimination of four Afro-Brazilian athletes at the Tietê Regatta Club, and the police killing of Nilton Lourenço, a worker. The date, July 7, would later be known as the
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Because of this melting pot of ideological culture promoted by the black paulistana press, one of the most interesting national Afro-Brazilian movements is developed in the 1930s, the
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and directed by Raquel Gerber was released which explored the relationship between Africa and Brazil and traced the trajectory of the Black
Movement in the country.
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was a separatist movement without a popular base and an almost complete absence of blacks, it was opposed to the situation known as the
Inconfidência Baiana, or the
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96:: "Quilombagem is understood as the permanent rebel movements organized and directed by the slaves throughout the national territory. Considered a provocative
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in 1888, these social movements were almost always clandestine and radical in nature since their main objective was the liberation of black slaves. Since
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113:, a guerrilla tactic in which groups of escaped slaves organized themselves to attack groups of people and travelers on the roadways (Moura, 1989).
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166:(The Revolt of the Lash or Whip) in 1910 which was led by the sailor João Cândido. Through this revolt, Cândido succeeded in making the
254:(MNU) was founded in 1978. It emerged as part of a public protest on July 7, 1978 against the torture of Robson Silveira da Luz at the
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SANT'ANA, Luiz Carlos. Breve Memorial do Movimento Negro no Rio de Janeiro. Papéis Avulsos, Rio de Janeiro, CIEC/UFRJ, nº 53, 1998
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The principal form of embodiment of resistance against slavery by black rebel movements for nearly four centuries (1549–1888) was
327:. Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil, 1945-1988. Princeton University Press, 1998.
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Beginning in the 1950s, the black movements initiated a slow cycle of rearticulation that is marked by the founding of the
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in character, such as that of Canudos and that of the blessed Lourenço. They even had a significant role in the
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With the end of the Empire different black groups joined a diversity of popular movements, particularly those
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Even though according to Moura the quilombagem had as its organizational center the
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NASCIMENTO, Abdias (org.). O Negro revoltado. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1982.
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However, FNB's life as a political party was short. In 1937 with a decree by the
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MOURA, Clóvis. História do negro brasileiro. São Paulo:Ática, 1989.
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434:(in Portuguese). São Paulo, Brazil: Instituto Kuanza. p. 28.
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Eu sou atlântica: sobre a trajetória de vida de Beatriz Nascimento
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36:, particularly those movements that appeared in post-World War II
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Secretaria Especial de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial
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I am Atlantic: the life trajectory of Beatriz Nascimento
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Africa and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History
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Movimento Negro Unificado Contra a Discriminação Racial
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it was not the only existing instrument of resistance.
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362:Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiáticos (CEAA)
77:Quilombos, Quilombolas, and Quilombagem
186:The Black Movement in the 20th Century
240:Instituto de Pesquisa e Cultura Negra
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313:African culture in Rio Grande do Sul
171:his life forgotten and in misery.
154:From revolt to pacified resistance
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121:From Inconfidências to Isabelismo
511:Atlantic slave trade to Brazil
269:Brazilian Constitution of 1988
72:Pre-Abolition Black Resistance
32:that occurred in 20th-century
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402:. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO
261:National Day to Combat Racism
698:Palmares Cultural Foundation
540:Revolution of the Ganhadores
233:Associação Cultural do Negro
131:1798 Revolt of the Alfaiates
396:"Movimento Negro Unificado"
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844:African diaspora in Brazil
839:Social movements in Brazil
620:Afro-Brazilian literature
308:Afro-Brazilian literature
227:Rearticulation: 1945–1975
325:HANCHARD, Michael George
278:In 1989, a documentary,
201:Frente Negra Brasileira
816:Quilombola territories
811:Quilombola communities
625:Afro-Brazilian Museum
205:racial discrimination
175:The Revolt of Chibata
127:Inconfidência Mineira
758:Caribbean immigrants
545:Abolition of slavery
420:Ratts, Alex (2006).
265:André Franco Montoro
220:Abdias do Nascimento
54:abolition of slavery
742:African immigrants
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516:Early slave revolts
451:on 8 November 2017.
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394:Durao, F. (2008).
286:Beatriz Nascimento
273:Carlos Alberto Caó
191:Genesis: 1915-1945
164:Revolta da Chibata
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147:shock troop
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406:2016-11-10
373:References
256:Guaianases
125:While the
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648:Quimbanda
643:Candomblé
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303:Négritude
246:1975-1988
160:messianic
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746:Angolans
731:Kalungas
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668:Politics
635:Religion
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600:Capoeira
521:Mocambos
292:See also
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578:Culture
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498:History
101:1989).
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