Knowledge (XXG)

Bradley effect

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Obama in states with a black population below eight percent, to track him within the polls' margins of error in states with a black population between ten and twenty percent, and to underestimate him in states with a black population exceeding twenty-five percent. The first finding suggested the possibility of the Bradley effect, while the last finding suggested the possibility of a "reverse" Bradley effect in which black voters might have been reluctant to declare to pollsters their support for Obama or are underpolled. For example, many general election polls in North Carolina and Virginia assume that black voters will be 15% to 20% of each state's electorate; they were around a quarter of each state's electorate in 2004. That high support effect has been attributed to high black voter turnout in those states' primaries, with blacks supporting Obama by margins that often exceeded 97%. With only one exception, each state that had opinion polls incorrectly predict the outcome of the Democratic contest also had polls that accurately predicted the outcome of the state's Republican contest, which featured only white candidates).
652:'s Department of Government, which sought to determine whether the Bradley effect theory was valid, and whether an analogous phenomenon might be observed in races between a female candidate and a male candidate. Hopkins analyzed data from 133 elections between 1989 and 2006, compared the results of those elections to the corresponding pre-election poll numbers, and considered some of the alternate explanations which have been offered for any discrepancies therein. The study concluded finally that the Bradley effect was a real phenomenon, amounting to a median gap of 3.1 percentage points before 1996, but that it was likely not the sole factor in those discrepancies, and further that it had ceased to manifest itself at all by 1996. The study also suggested a connection between the Bradley effect and the level of racial rhetoric exhibited in the discussion of the political issues of the day. It asserted that the timing of the disappearance of the Bradley effect coincided with that of a decrease in such rhetoric in American politics over such potentially racially charged issues as crime and 2627:"So how did she do it? How did Hillary Clinton defy Barack Obama's double-digit lead in the New Hampshire polls and pull out a victory yesterday? Hindsight being 20/20, we can now see that she had a few things going for her. ...The Bradley Effect. Named for Tom Bradley, the Los Angeles mayor who narrowly lost the 1982 race for California governor despite a lead in the polls, this is the tendency of black candidates to under-perform their poll numbers. Whether because of closet racism or a more innocent reluctance to appear politically incorrect, a statistically significant number of voters often tell pollsters they'll vote for a black candidate, but turn around and vote for a white opponent in the privacy of the ballot box. The effect seems to have diminished in recent election cycles, but may have played a role in New Hampshire." 2190:"Poorer, less well-educated white people refuse surveys more often than affluent, better-educated whites. Polls generally adjust their samples for this tendency. But here's the problem: these whites who do not respond to surveys tend to have more unfavorable views of blacks than respondents who do the interviews. I’ve experienced this myself. In 1989, as a Gallup pollster, I overestimated the support for David Dinkins in his first race for New York City mayor against Rudolph Giuliani; Mr. Dinkins was elected, but with a two percentage point margin of victory, not the 15 I had predicted. I concluded, eventually, that I got it wrong not so much because respondents were lying to our interviewers but because poorer, less well-educated voters were less likely to agree to answer our questions. That was a decisive factor in my miscall." 192: 628:
the election down to a statistical dead heat by the day of the election. While acknowledging that some news sources projected a Bradley victory based upon Field Poll exit polls which were also inaccurate, he counters that at the same time, other news sources were able to correctly predict Deukmejian's victory by using other exit polls that were more accurate. Tarrance claims that The Field Poll speculated, without supplying supporting data, in offering the Bradley effect theory as an explanation for why its polling had failed, and he attributes the emergence of the Bradley effect theory to media outlets focusing on this, while ignoring that there were other conflicting polls which had been correct all along.
2323:"Private, daily tracking polls showed that, with a retooled campaign, Mr. Deukmejian methodically closed the gap. On the Sunday night before the day of the election—usually the last day of tracking polls the campaign will pay for—Mr. Deukmejian had closed to less than two percentage points. The campaign polled Monday night, too. It showed Mr. Deukmejian less than 1% behind. Private pollster Lawrence Research predicted to the campaign a razor-thin victory—exactly what happened. The public polls stopped polling too soon, missing the Deukmejian surge. Most important, they ignored the absentee ballot. Mr. Deukmejian's polling asked if people had voted absentee; other polls, including the exit polls, did not." 2170:"In 1989, nobody saw it coming save Paul Goldman, Wilder's longtime political Svengali, and Wilder – now Richmond's mayor – himself. Thanks in part to advice from campaign pollster Michael Donilon, who went on to advise John Kerry's 2004 bid for the White House, Goldman assumed that anything short of a definitive commitment of support from a white poll respondent couldn't be trusted and weighted his poll's statistical model accordingly. His poll indicated a virtual tossup, putting Wilder's chances at 50–50. ... 'This was a historic campaign,' Goldman says. 'Everybody was talking about it – race, race, race – so you give whatever answer's the socially acceptable one.'" 531:
there was still a need for black candidates to be wary of polls, he felt that voters were displaying "more openness" in their polling responses and becoming "less resistant" to giving an accurate answer than was the case at the time of his gubernatorial election. When asked about the possibility of seeing a Bradley effect in 2008, Joe Trippi, who had been a deputy campaign manager for Tom Bradley in 1982, offered a similar assessment, saying, "The country has come a hell of a long way. I think it's a mistake to think that there'll be any kind of big surprise like there was in the Bradley campaign in 1982. But I also think it'd be a mistake to say, 'It's all gone.'"
169:, a senior strategist and day-to-day tactician in Deukmejian's 1982 campaign, has noted that Field's final pre-election poll was badly timed, since it was taken over the weekend, and most late polls failed to register a surge in support for Deukmejian in the campaign's final two weeks. In addition, the exit polling failed to consider absentee balloting in an election which saw an "unprecedented wave of absentee voters" organized on Deukmejian's behalf. In short, Khachigian argues, the "Bradley effect" was simply an attempt to come up with an excuse for what was really the result of flawed opinion polling practices. 1098:"Writing in The Polling Report, Mr. Brodnitz said the race of the interviewer was not a factor in their polling in 2006. Mr. Brodnitz said that problems in the final pre-election public polls had nothing to do with race, but were caused by methodology. Brodnitz contends that the public polling in the Ford race and perhaps the earlier errors in races with black candidates can be attributed in part to polling not taking full account of the types of voters who make their decisions very late in campaigns. He said those voters tended to be older married white women who were either political moderates or conservatives." 1799:"You might chalk it up to the "Wilder Effect," in which white voters tell pollsters they're going to vote for a minority candidate, but actually vote for the white one. If that were the case, though, Jindal's poll numbers would have held firm during the last week, and he would have received a shock on election day. In fact, his numbers collapsed steadily in the last week of the campaign, when Blanco's powerful commercial (featuring a Republican doctor in a wheelchair saying he was voting Blanco because Jindal is a heartless technocrat) began running in the state, and went unanswered by the Jindal camp. " 1234: 620:
that had shown Bradley with a strong lead, has not ruled out the possibility of a Bradley effect as a minor factor, but also said that the organization's own internal examination after that election identified other possible factors that may have contributed to their error, including a shift in voter preference after the final pre-election polls and a high-profile ballot initiative in the same election, a Republican absentee ballot program and a low minority turnout, each of which may have caused pre-election polls to inaccurately predict which respondents were likely voters.
2580:, professor of political science at Princeton University in New Jersey, said black voters don't trust whites who tell pollsters they would vote for a black candidate. She noted the 1989 Virginia gubernatorial campaign of L. Douglas Wilder, now the mayor of Richmond. Mr. Wilder had been leading by double digits in polls but won the election by fewer than 7,000 votes in the gubernatorial election. "So even getting white voters to say to pollsters they will vote for doesn't counteract fully the apprehension black voters have about his electability," Ms. Harris-Lacewell said. 2295:"While the 1982 California gubernatorial contest is not the only race where the race of the candidate has been thought to be a factor in polling gone awry, there are a number of other reasons why the Field Poll may not have been accurate. I spoke with Mark DiCamillo, Director of the Field Poll—whose phone has been ringing off the hook about this today. He told me that there was a memo done by the polling organization shortly after the election to try to understand what had occurred (not available online as it predated the internet) that identified four possible factors: 397: 2094:"The most tangled polling errors came in California, where almost no one forecast Republican George Deukmejian's 50,000-vote victory over Tom Bradley. Indeed, the Los Angeles Times ran a frontpage story on election morning about the lineup of local politicians vying to succeed Bradley as the city's mayor. The San Francisco Chronicle's first election extra bannered: BRADLEY WIN PROJECTED. While ABC was predicting Deukmejian's victory, its affiliate stations in Los Angeles and San Francisco were using exit polls of their own to call the race for Bradley instead." 476: 802: 1096:"During Jesse Jackson's bid for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1988, Murray Edelman of CBS News and Rutgers University took a look at the effect the race of the interviewer might have had on the way people answered questions about who they intended to vote for. 'White respondents showed more support for Jackson when talking to black interviewers than the other way around,' said Mr. Edelman. 'The support for Jackson was less when white respondents talked to white interviewers.'" 665: 1772:"Why did Jindal lose after leading his Democratic opponent, Kathleen Blanco, in statewide polls in the weeks before the election? In a word, race. What occurred was the 'Wilder effect,' named after the black Virginia governor elected in 1989. Wilder, a Democrat, polled well, then won narrowly. Many white voters, it turned out, said they intended to vote for a black candidate when they really didn't. Questioned by pollsters, they were leery of being seen as racially prejudiced." 793: 257:. More so than the California governor's race the year before, the Washington-Epton matchup evinced strong and overt racial overtones throughout the campaign. Two polls conducted approximately two weeks before the election showed Washington with a 14-point lead in the race. A third conducted just three days before the election confirmed Washington continuing to hold a lead of 14 points. But in the election's final results, Washington won by less than four points. 1493:"When David Dinkins, an African-American, ran for mayor of New York City, he won. He didn't win by anything like the margin the pollsters were predicting, though, and Dinkins's win left those pollsters scratching their heads. Where had the missing Dinkins voters gone? The common conclusion of the pollsters was that race is such a charged issue in the U.S.A. that people will lie about their intentions to vote for a black candidate all the way to the voting booth." 1944:"Many experts predicted Rep. Ford would lose by a wider margin than he did because some of his white supporters would desert him – a pattern first documented in 1982, when former Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley lost the California governor's race by a larger-than-expected margin. Researchers said white voters felt social pressure to tell pollsters they would vote for Mr. Bradley, who was black, but voted for his white opponent when they cast their ballots. 1901:"Is Harold Ford Jr. really doing as well as the polls suggest? Is he conceivably on his way to becoming the first black Southern senator since Reconstruction? The answer may well be yes, but Ford can hardly take that for granted. As black candidates reaching out to largely white constituencies have discovered in the past, when it comes to measuring political popularity there are lies, damned lies—and polls, on which they rest their fate at their peril." 1874:"The Southeastern poll results, based on a statewide random sample of 641 registered voters, was conducted Oct. 1–7 and has an overall sampling error of plus or minus 4 percent ... Corbello said a surprising 29 percent of voters said they were undecided or refused to state a preference. However, when the undecided 'leaners' are apportioned among the candidates, Jindal has 49.6 percent, Boasso 11.2 percent, Georges 10.8 percent and Campbell 6.2 percent." 1056: 1559: 1911: 2343:"On election night in 1982, with 3,000 supporters celebrating prematurely at a downtown hotel, I was upstairs reviewing early results that suggested Bradley would probably lose. But he wasn't losing because of race. He was losing because an unpopular gun control initiative and an aggressive Republican absentee ballot program generated hundreds of thousands of Republican votes no pollster anticipated, giving Mr. Deukmejian a narrow victory. " 1454:"One can also argue, however, that the wind at Obama's back might not be nearly as strong as it seems. Despite the fact that Americans seem downright bullish about backing a qualified black presidential candidate – in a December Newsweek poll, 93 percent said they would vote for such a person – there is also the nagging possibility that a lot of people don't really mean it, that they merely want to sound PC when the pollster calls. 1608:"All the published pre-election surveys had shown Wilder leading his Republican rival J. Marshall Coleman by margins of 4% to 15%. Even an initial television exit poll had anointed Wilder with a 10 percentage-point triumph. But by the time Wilder felt comfortable enough to declare victory, his razor-thin lead had stabilized about where it would end up: just 6,582 votes out of a record 1.78 million ballots cast." 22: 2607:"Still, there are people who believe what Edley called 'the Bradley factor' could stall Obama's campaign. When Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley ran for governor in California in 1982, all the polls had him leading handily, 'but when people got behind the curtain, they couldn't pull the lever' for him, Edley said. 'The question is to what extent does that Bradley effect still an effect 25 years later?'" 2913:"We'll have plenty of chances in the coming weeks to measure pre-election polls against actual results – including in states with much more racial diversity than New Hampshire. The only prediction I'll make is that following Tuesday's big surprise, embarrassed pollsters and pundits will be especially vigilant for any sign that the 'Bradley effect,' unseen in recent years, might have crept back." 700:, a white senator. However, Clinton defeated Obama by three points in the New Hampshire race, where ballots were cast secretly, immediately initiating suggestions by some analysts that the Bradley effect may have been at work. Other analysts cast doubt on that hypothesis, saying that the polls underestimated Clinton rather than overestimated Obama. Clinton may have also benefited from the 2031:"'The argument of a specific Bradley effect,' insisted Langer, 'still looks to me to like a theory in search of data ... I don't see why this effect would be limited, before now, to a handful of elections 15 to 25 years ago. And I don't know how to understand its absence in so many other black-white races – five races in 2006 alone, as I note – in which pre-election polling was dead on.' 2211:"Kohut recently conducted a study in which interviewers spent months repeatedly calling people back until they agreed to talk. He said that helped him see who is often missed in polling. 'Poorer, less-educated whites don't like to do these polls as much as better-educated people do,' he said. 'The refusals come from the same class of people who tend to be the most racially intolerant.'" 1672:"Conventional wisdom is that people lie to pollsters in elections featuring candidates of different races. That's the Bradley effect, named for Tom Bradley, the L.A. mayor once believed to be a shoo-in for California governor. But the polls got that one all wrong. In a black-white race, the theory says, the black candidate polls better than he'll actually do on Election Day. 201: 499:. Ford lost by a slim margin, but an examination of exit polling data indicated that the percentage of white voters who voted for him remained close to the percentage that indicated they would do so in polls conducted prior to the election. Several other 2006 biracial contests saw pre-election polls predict their respective elections' final results with similar accuracy. 1856:" With about 92 percent of the vote in, Jindal had 625,036 votes or 53 percent – more than enough to win outright and avoid a Nov. 17 runoff. His nearest competitors: Democrat Walter Boasso with 208,690 votes or 18 percent; Independent John Georges had 1167,477 votes or 14 percent; Democrat Foster Campbell had 151,101 or 13 percent. Eight candidates divided the rest." 1720:"An independent statewide poll by Mason-Dixon, released this week, has Ford ahead by 1 percentage point. But public opinion surveys are notoriously unreliable when one of the candidates is black. Campaign strategists often subtract a "racial slippage" factor, to account for surveys that might exaggerate a black candidate's strength by up to 9 percentage points. 645:, Bradley's campaign chair, spoke of having warned Bradley long before any polling concerns arose that endorsing the ballot initiative would ultimately doom his campaign. Rejecting the idea that the Bradley effect theory was a factor in the outcome, Rising said, "If there is such an effect, it shouldn't be named for Bradley, or associated with him in any way." 583:, which conducted research into the phenomenon, has suggested that the discrepancies may arise, not from white participants giving false answers, but rather from white voters who have negative opinions of blacks being less likely to participate in polling at all than white voters who do not share such negative sentiments with regard to blacks. 1688: 183: 1457:
white Republican, costing Bradley the race. Then there is the 'Wilder effect,' named for black Virginia Democrat Doug Wilder. While running for governor in 1989, he was thought to be ahead by 10 percentage points, buoyed by a big white vote. But in the end, he won in a squeaker because most white voters bailed out.
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found trends suggesting the possibility that with regard to Obama, the effect's presence or absence may be dependent on the percentage of the electorate that is black. The researchers noted that to that point in the election season, opinion polls taken just prior to an election tended to overestimate
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by conservative voters who had been mobilized to defeat the handgun ballot initiative mentioned by DiCamillo. According to Levin, even as he heard the "victory" celebration going on among Bradley supporters downstairs, those returns had led him to the conclusion that Bradley was likely to lose. John
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reporter Joe Mathews said that he talked to more than a dozen people who played significant roles in either the Bradley or Deukmejian campaign and that only two felt there was a significant race-based component to the polling failures. Mark DiCamillo, Director of The Field Poll, which was among those
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A month prior to the election, Bill Roberts, Deukmejian's campaign manager, predicted that white voters would break for his candidate. He told reporters that he expected Deukmejian to receive approximately 5 percent more votes than polling numbers indicated because white voters were giving inaccurate
2033:'Newton's Law of Gravity doesn't just work on Thursdays,' Langer said. 'You want an effect to be clearly established as an effect through analysis of empirical data, and maybe in more than one election. And to call it an effect you want it to be a consistent effect, or to explain its inconsistency'". 899:
noted that Trump generally underperformed his polling in Democratic-leaning states like California and New York — where the stigma against voting for Trump likely would have been stronger — and overperformed his polls in places like Wisconsin and Ohio. Enten concluded that, although Trump did better
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However many pollsters have disputed this claim. A 2016 poll conducted by Morning Consult showed that Trump performed better in general election polls regardless of whether the poll was conducted online or by live interviewer over the phone. This finding led Morning Consult's chief research officer
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There's even a name for this kind of behavior. Actually, several names. 'The Bradley effect' is named for black Democrat Tom Bradley, who ran for governor of California in 1982 after serving as mayor of Los Angeles. Whites told pollsters they were pro-Bradley, but on election day they voted for the
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However, it has been suggested that such assumptions based on the overall share of the vote are too simplistic because they ignore the fact that underlying factors can be contradictory and hence masked in overall voting figures. For instance, it has been suggested that an extant Bradley Effect was
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Sal Russo, a consultant for Deukmejian in the race, has said that another private pollster working for the campaign, Lawrence Research, also accurately captured the late surge in favor of Deukmejian, polling as late as the night before the election. According to Russo, that firm's prediction after
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has suggested that a 'reverse Bradley effect' may be possible because some Republicans may not openly say they will vote for a black candidate, but may do so on election day. The "Fishtown Effect" is a scenario where prejudiced or racist white voters cast their vote for a black candidate solely on
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flatly denies that the Bradley effect occurred during that election, echoing the absentee ballot factor cited by DiCamillo. Tarrance also reports that his own firm's pre-election polls done for the Deukmejian campaign showed the race as having closed from a wide lead for Bradley one month prior to
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The causes of the polling errors are debated, but pollsters generally believe that perceived societal pressures have led some white voters to be less than forthcoming in their poll responses. These voters supposedly have harbored a concern that declaring their support for a white candidate over a
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Inaccurate polling statistics attributed to the Bradley effect are not limited to pre-election polls. In the initial hours after voting concluded in the Bradley-Deukmejian race in 1982, similarly inaccurate exit polls led some news organizations to project Bradley to have won. Republican pollster
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The overall accuracy of the polling data from the 2006 elections was cited, both by those who argue that the Bradley effect has diminished in American politics, and those who doubt its existence in the first place. When asked about the issue in 2007, Douglas Wilder indicated that while he believed
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Jesse Jackson had a similar experience in 1988. As a presidential candidate, he was supposedly cruising toward a primary season win in heavily white Wisconsin. But what the white Democratic voters had told the pollsters, and what they actually did, turned out to be very different, and Jackson was
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hypothesized "reverse Bradley effect". On average, Obama received three percentage points more support in the primaries and caucuses than he did during polling; however, he also had a strong ground campaign, and many polls do not question voters with only cell phones, who are predominantly young.
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This election was widely scrutinized as analysts tried to definitively determine whether the Bradley effect is still a significant factor in the political sphere. An inspection of the discrepancy between pre-election polls and Obama's ultimate support reveals significant bivariate support for the
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Of all of the races presented as possible examples of the Bradley effect theory, perhaps the one most fiercely rebutted by the theory's critics is the 1982 Bradley/Deukmejian contest itself. People involved with both campaigns, as well as those involved with the inaccurate polls have refuted the
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Some analysts have assumed that the same syndrome helped doom Harold Ford Jr., the black Democrat who lost a Senate race in Tennessee in November by only three percentage points; indeed, he was apparently hurt by a GOP TV ad that implied he partied with white girls. The facts, however, suggest
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of public opinion polling showed that Trump's base was larger than predicted, leading some experts to suggest that some "shy Trumpers" were hiding their preferences to avoid being seen as prejudiced by pollsters. There may have been also some cases in which male respondents were hiding their
305:, who was white. In that race, Wilder prevailed, but by less than half of one percent, when pre-election poll numbers showed him on average with a 9 percent lead. The discrepancy was attributed to white voters telling pollsters that they were undecided when they actually voted for Coleman. 632:
its final poll was an extremely narrow victory for Deukmejian. He asserts that the failure of pre-election polls such as The Field Poll arose, largely because they stopped polling too soon, and that the failure of the exit polls was due to their inability to account for absentee ballots.
71:. Specifically, some voters give inaccurate polling responses for fear that, by stating their true preference, they will open themselves to criticism of racial motivation. Members of the public may feel under pressure to provide an answer that is deemed to be more publicly acceptable, or 1646:"More than most politicians, Wilder knows personally how difficult it can be for a black candidate; during his gubernatorial campaign, the gap between his numbers in the final polls and in the actual election showed such a dramatic drop-off that it became known as the 'Wilder Effect.'" 1094:"In high-profile contests where one of the major party candidates is black, pre-election telephone polls have often been wrong, overstating the strength of the black candidate. In polling circles this is known as the 'Bradley effect' or the 'Wilder effect' or the 'Dinkins effect.'" 635:
Blair Levin, a staffer on the Bradley campaign in 1982 said that as he reviewed early returns at a Bradley hotel on election night, he saw that Deukmejian would probably win. In those early returns, he had taken particular note of the high number of absentee ballots, as well as a
387:, many potential voters would not tell pollsters that they favored Duke (as they feared the ostracization that could result from being on record as being a Duke supporter), but would go on to vote for him anyway. The commentary at that time was that Duke "flies under the radar." 750:, made young voters who grew up with that series' initial run comfortable with the idea of an African American man being a viable presidential candidate, which enhanced Obama's election chances with that population. Others have called it the "Palmer effect" on the theory that 1831:"Based on his nightly polling data, Kennedy projected the race would be 50.4 percent for Blanco and 49.6 percent for Jindal, which is a statistical tie. As was the case when Jindal had an 11-point lead last week, voters shifted first from Jindal to undecided, Kennedy said." 586:
While there is widespread belief in a racial component as at least a partial explanation for the polling inaccuracies in the elections in question, it is not universally accepted that this is the primary factor. Peter Brodnitz, a pollster and contributor to the newsletter
268:—as likely to receive approximately one-third of the white vote. Ultimately, however, Jackson carried only about one quarter of that vote, with the discrepancy in the heavily white state contributing to a large margin of victory for Dukakis over the second-place Jackson. 145:
once absentee ballots were included. Post-election research indicated that a smaller percentage of white voters actually voted for Bradley than polls had predicted, and that previously undecided voters had voted for Deukmejian in statistically anomalous numbers.
569:, found the race of the pollster conducting the interview to be a factor in the discrepancy. Edelman's research showed white voters to be more likely to indicate support for Jackson when asked by a black interviewer than when asked by a white interviewer. 1999:"CBS pollster Kathleen Frankovic doesn't see any more. In recent elections with black candidates – Deval Patrick's winning governor's race in Massachusetts, in Tennessee, Harold Ford losing his run for the Senate, both in 2006 – the polls were right-on. 688:, brought a heightened level of scrutiny to the Bradley effect, as observers searched for signs of the effect in comparing Obama's polling numbers to the actual election results during the Democratic primary elections. After a victorious showing in the 2686: 912:
that involves prospective voters' expressed intentions to vote for candidates belonging to the U.S. Republican Party—reportedly skewed a number of opinion polls running up to the 2018 U.S. elections. Notably, the effect was arguably present in the
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Citing the "Wilder effect," Vanderbilt University political scientist Christian Grose wonders whether many Tennesseans who say they're undecided – roughly one in seven voters – might simply be unwilling to tell pollsters they won't back a black
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candidate run against each other. The theory proposes that some white voters who intend to vote for the white candidate would nonetheless tell pollsters that they are undecided or likely to vote for the non-white candidate. It was named after
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Following the 2008 presidential election, a number of news sources reported that the result confirmed the absence of a 'Bradley Effect' in view of the close correlation between the pre-election polls and the actual share of the popular vote.
599:, and contrary to Edelman's findings in 1988, Brodnitz indicated that he did not find the race of the interviewer to be a factor in voter responses in pre-election polls. Brodnitz suggested that late-deciding voters tend to have moderate-to- 1976:"One piece of encouraging news from Tennessee is that the returns showed no signs of the 'Bradley Effect,' in which white voters tell pollsters they will vote for the black candidate, then go into the voting booth and choose someone else." 2053:"I warned , you've got to watch those polls. But I think people are becoming less resistant to saying, 'I'm going to vote for the person whether it's a woman, or gay, or whatever.' There's more openness – but we've still got to watch it." 822: 641:
Phillips, the primary sponsor of the controversial gun control proposition, said that he felt as though he, rather than polling inaccuracies, was the primary target of the blame assigned by those present at the Bradley hotel that night.
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masked by the unusually high turnout amongst African Americans and other Democratic leaning voter groups under the unique circumstances of the 2008 election (i.e. the first serious bid for President by an African-American candidate).
161:. Henry researched the election in its aftermath and, in a 1983 study, reached the controversial conclusion that race was the most likely factor in Bradley's defeat. However, one critic of the Bradley effect theory has charged that 1674:
I saw this firsthand in '87, when Wilson Goode Sr. was forecast to beat Frank Rizzo by double digits but won by only 2 percent. The post-election explanation? White liberals didn't want to tell a pollster they were voting for Rizzo.
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non-white candidate will create a perception that the voter is racially prejudiced. During the 1988 Jackson presidential campaign, Murray Edelman, a veteran election poll analyst for news organizations and a former president of the
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Exit polls in the Wilder-Coleman race in 1989 also proved inaccurate in their projection of a ten-point win for Wilder, despite those same exit polls accurately predicting other statewide races. In 2006, a ballot measure in
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lost by a wider margin than predicted by late polls. However, those polls correctly predicted Steele's numbers, with the discrepancy in his margin of defeat resulting from their underestimating the numbers for his white
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was elected President of the United States in 2008 and 2012, both times against a white opponent. Others believe that it is a persistent phenomenon. Similar effects have been posited in other contexts, for example, the
2660:""Ballot Changes Cited in Vote's Discrepancy With Polls: Clinton's Favorable Placement on Ballots May Account for Part of Poll Mistakes", Opinion By Jon A. Krosnick, Professor, Stanford University, January 9, 2008" 890:
In a 2019 press conference, Trump estimated the effect to be between 6 and 10% in his favor. He described this effect as "I don’t know if I consider that to be a compliment, but in one way it is a compliment."
611:. Langer has described the Bradley effect as "a theory in search of data." He has argued that inconsistency of its appearance, particularly in more recent elections, casts doubt upon its validity as a theory. 1149:, "Political Consultant Don Solem explains: 'It's not so much they're afraid to say it as they think it might be taken the wrong way.' Solem said the Bradley Effect is also known as social desirability bias." 2697: 1278: 368:
and white candidate Richard Williamson. Braun won her general election race by 10 points, but polls indicated a margin of up to 20 points. However, polls had been just as erroneous, though this time
3047: 656:. The study found no evidence of a corresponding effect based upon gender – in fact, female Senate candidates received on average 1.2 percentage points more votes than polls had predicted. 1460:
beaten. Colin Powell was well-aware of this syndrome when he was weighing a candidacy in 1995; a friend reportedly warned him, 'When they go in the booth, they ain't going to vote for you.'
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Some analysts have dismissed the theory of the Bradley effect. Others have argued that it may have existed in past elections, but not in more recent ones, such as when the African-American
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In North Carolina, a Mason-Dixon poll a week before the 1990 election gave black Democrat Harvey Gantt a 4-point lead over Republican Sen. Jesse Helms; Gantt lost by 6 percentage points.
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Analyses of recent elections suggest that there may be some evidence of a diminution in the 'Bradley Effect'. However, at this stage, such evidence is too limited to confirm a trend.
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of The Field Poll had already offered the theory as explanation for his poll's errors, suggesting it (without providing supporting data for the claim) on the day after the election.
875: 867: 279:. Four days before the election, a new poll showed that lead to have shrunk, but still standing at 14 points. On the day of the election, Dinkins prevailed by only two points. 2421: 979:
Payne, Gregory(1986). Tom Bradley: The Impossible Dream : A Biography Roundtable Pub. The chapter about Bradley Effect (Chapter 16 / pp. 243 – 288) is available online at
419:, Powell was quoted as saying, "Every time I see Earl Graves, he says, 'Look, man, don't let them hand you no crap. When go in that booth, they ain't going to vote for you.'" 544:
argues that this was not indicative of the Bradley effect; rather the exit polls were wrong because Bradley actually won on election day turnout, but lost the absentee vote.
467:, this time securing an easy victory, with his final vote total remaining in line with or stronger than the predictions of the polls conducted shortly before the election. 1321: 372:
Braun's support, during the primary election. Braun won that contest—also against a white candidate—by three points after polls predicted she would lose by double digits.
463:, countered that later polls taken just before the election correctly showed that lead to have evaporated, and reported the candidates to be statistically tied. In 2007, 895:
to conclude that there was little evidence that poll respondents were feeling pressured to downplay their true general election preferences. Harry Enten, an analyst for
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In the 1989 Virginia governor's race, L. Douglas Wilder, a black Democrat, had an 11-point poll advantage a week before the election; he won by less than 1 point.
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After the 1989 Virginia gubernatorial election, the Bradley effect was sometimes called the Wilder effect. Both terms are still used; and less commonly, the term "
3021: 970:, washingtonmonthly.com, July 23, 2008, citing a Google search: "3,820 hits for Wilder Effect compared to 44,900 hits for Bradley Effect". Retrieved 10 July 2021. 3131: 1479: 488: 2397: 603:
political opinions and that this may account in part for last-minute decision-makers breaking largely away from black candidates, who have generally been more
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polling responses to conceal the appearance of racial prejudice. Deukmejian disavowed Roberts's comments, and Roberts resigned his post as campaign manager.
1758: 2927: 938: 2001:'I really do believe that the so-called Bradley effect is an artifact of a certain place and a certain time,' she said. 'It's an artifact of the 1980s.'" 1844: 1013: 2301:
3. The presence of a handgun initiative on the same ballot that brought out a skewed electorate different from the model used to predict likely voters.
1946:
Dr. Swain said the close margin of victory in the Corker-Ford contest shows whites did vote for Rep. Ford, and the 'Bradley effect' may be lessening."
2121: 1268:, "DiCamillo said a postelection analysis conducted by his organization found 'nine out of 10' undecided respondents wound up voting for Deukmejian." 736:
suggested another plausible factor is something called the "Huxtable effect", where the positive image of the respectable African American character
607:
than their white opponents in the elections in question. Another prominent skeptic of the Bradley effect is Gary Langer, the director of polling for
37:) is a theory concerning observed discrepancies between voter opinion polls and election outcomes in some United States government elections where a 3117: 840: 814: 2595: 415:
about the phenomenon described by the Bradley effect. With regard to opinion polls showing Powell leading a hypothetical race with then-incumbent
3293: 2287: 1737: 1175:, "'Anyone who studies survey research will tell you one of the biggest problems we encounter is this notion of social desirability bias,' said." 677: 142: 2881: 843:
were white, a similar phenomenon may have caused polls to inaccurately predict the election outcome. According to major opinion polling, former
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In 2008, several political analysts discussing the Bradley effect referred to a study authored by Daniel J. Hopkins, a post-doctoral fellow in
464: 450: 346:. Gantt lost his race by six points. Two late polls showed Gantt ahead by four to six points, but one other showed a four-point Helms victory. 54: 2960: 2779: 1636: 3308: 524: 732:, a mostly white and economically depressed neighborhood in Philadelphia, voted 81% for Obama in the 2008 election. Alternatively, writer 2745: 2539: 1138: 2829: 2017: 914: 672:
may have encountered both the Bradley effect, and a "reverse" Bradley effect, during the 2008 Democratic presidential primary elections.
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otherwise. His projected share of the white vote, as measured by the pre-election polls, closely tracked his share on election day."
826: 108: 50: 2714: 411:'s name was floated as a possible 1996 Republican presidential candidate, Powell reportedly spoke of being cautioned by publisher 2481: 1962: 1934: 1887: 1416: 848: 516: 507: 232: 120: 112: 2903: 2200: 929:, a U.S. Congressman. Despite Gillum having led in most polls before the election, DeSantis ultimately won by a margin of 0.4%. 141:
featured a headline proclaiming "Bradley Win Projected." However, despite winning a majority of the votes cast on election day,
1823: 1577: 1318: 3092: 2996: 2617: 689: 58: 3167: 2833: 289:'s margin of victory in the 1989 Virginia gubernatorial election was narrower than predicted by pre-election and exit polls. 1346: 1560:
For Jackson, a Potential Breakthrough; On Eve of Primary, Support From White Officials and Wisconsin Voters Appears Strong
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to the Bradley effect. In making his argument, Barnes mentioned polls that had shown Jindal with a lead. Others, such as
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generated exit poll numbers showing the race to be too close to call. Ultimately, the measure passed by a wide margin.
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In the 1989 race for Mayor of New York, a poll conducted just over a week before the election showed black candidate
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was reportedly warned of the Bradley effect when he was considered to be a potential 1996 presidential candidate.
227:
Other elections which have been cited as possible demonstrations of the Bradley effect include the 1983 race for
2859: 2373: 475: 3048:"Reporter to Trump: Why Is It Appropriate For A President To Ask A Foreign Leader For Info On Political Rival?" 2664: 1511: 716: 608: 442: 154: 68: 1841: 900:
than the polls predicted in many states, he "didn’t do so in a pattern consistent with a 'shy Trump' effect".
3159: 2659: 2482:"No More Wilder Effect, Never a Whitman Effect: When and Why Polls Mislead about Black and Female Candidates" 2784: 2544: 2318: 2071: 1994: 1667: 653: 600: 354: 137: 131:
descent). Most polls in the final days before the election showed Bradley with a significant lead. Based on
331:. Goode prevailed by a narrow margin, despite having had a significantly larger lead in pre-election polls. 2622: 1330: 1194: 733: 729: 624: 541: 243: 116: 3189: 3201: 2977: 2804: 2592: 2511: 844: 685: 2313: 2284: 801: 3066: 771:
Obama went on to win the election with 53% of the popular vote and a large electoral college victory.
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Some news sources and columnists have attributed the theory's origin to Charles Henry, a professor of
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In the 1988 Democratic presidential primary in Wisconsin, pre-election polls pegged black candidate
221:(right) each showed stronger support in the polls than they ultimately received in the voting booth. 3303: 2957: 2931: 2908: 2789: 2205: 1767: 1693: 1564: 1420: 1372: 1239: 896: 580: 576: 437: 412: 365: 72: 2638: 2122:
The 1989 Elections: Predicting the outcome; Broad disparities in votes and polls raising questions
1866: 1084: 967: 792: 3241: 2488: 2454: 2353: 2338: 2185: 2140: 2126: 1658: 1582: 1299: 1283: 1089: 649: 604: 553: 135:, a number of media outlets projected Bradley as the winner and early editions of the next day's 128: 3257: 3051: 2742: 1715: 1351: 1135: 1007: 712: 511: 298: 286: 250: 210: 124: 96: 61: 2837: 2333: 2014: 704:
in the New Hampshire primary as she was listed ahead of Obama on every New Hampshire ballot.
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2. A well organized GOP absentee ballot program (Bradley won the day of election results).
2291: 2263: 2160: 2089: 2021: 1966: 1891: 1848: 1827: 1816: 1794: 1789: 1762: 1641: 1603: 1543: 1530: 1488: 1483: 1472: 1325: 1259: 1166: 1142: 948: 909: 851: 818: 755: 697: 455: 265: 92: 75:. The reluctance to give accurate polling answers has sometimes extended to post-election 16:
Theory about discrepancies between opinion polls and election results in the United States
2303:
4. Lower turnout by minorities because Bradley did not turn out the base of black voters.
2153: 2725: 282: 3223: 2444: 2369: 1959: 1884: 1808:
Hill, John and Mike Hasten, Melody Brumble and Michelle Mahfoufi. (2003, November 4). "
1742: 1363: 1264: 1171: 760: 746: 737: 724: 701: 335: 166: 64:, a white person, despite Bradley being ahead in voter polls going into the elections. 42: 2492: 3277: 2138:
Cooper, Desiree. (December 12, 2006). "Let's talk to break a White House tradition",
1342: 1295: 918: 708: 642: 276: 272: 261: 254: 218: 214: 67:
The Bradley effect posits that the inaccurate polls were skewed by the phenomenon of
2297:
1. A late shift in voter preference after the poll, which could have reflected bias.
1820: 692:, where votes were cast publicly, polls predicted that Obama would also capture the 3227: 3136: 2808: 2593:
Barack Obama, Unelectable ‘Hopemonger?’ Campaign, Polls Proving the Naysayers Wrong
2165: 1684: 1623: 1314: 1061: 926: 855: 830: 681: 669: 572: 446: 416: 408: 400: 376: 339: 328: 320: 162: 87: 38: 3180: 764:, showed viewers that an African American man can be a strong commander in chief. 615:
significance of the Bradley effect in determining that election's outcome. Former
349:
The 1991 race for Mayor of the City of Houston between Texas State Representative
2066: 1989: 2923: 2417: 2285:
The "Bradley Effect" on Obama-Clinton Polling in New Hampshire May Be Overstated
1502: 922: 592: 343: 324: 21: 1252: 1159: 887:, as Hillary Clinton was the first female major party candidate for President. 523:. Those same polls also underestimated the Democratic candidate in the state's 2393: 741: 520: 496: 460: 384: 76: 988: 2026: 859: 239: 132: 2256: 487:
In 2006, there was speculation that the Bradley effect might appear in the
200: 3118:"Pollster Who Got It Right in 2016 Does It Again | RealClearPolitics" 1912:
Is Ford's white support for real? — Political correctness can skew polling
83:
of the pollster conducting the interview may factor into voters' answers.
2765: 1971: 1896: 549: 361: 264:—at the time, a legitimate challenger to white candidate and frontrunner 3132:"How was race a factor in Florida election for governor? | Miami Herald" 3020:
Connors, Elizabeth; Klar, Samara; Krupnikov, Yanna (November 12, 2016).
1547: 1506: 1146: 182: 2997:"HuffPost Forecasts Hillary Clinton Will Win With 323 Electoral Votes" 2402: 884: 2743:
Super Tuesday results indicate race card may be a joker in primaries
663: 474: 395: 281: 20: 579:
during the 1989 Dinkins/Giuliani race and later president of the
483:'s 2006 U.S. Senate campaign did not exhibit the Bradley effect. 380: 1417:
Can You Trust What Polls Say about Obama's Electoral Prospects?
3193: 2422:"Sebelius Revives Fears of 'Bradley Effect' With Race Comment" 2357: 1689:
Goode Holds Slim Majority; Challenger Rizzo Refuses to Concede
1415:
Keeler, Scott and Nilanthi Samaranayake. (February 7, 2007). "
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AIDE TO COAST G.O.P. CANDIDATE RESIGNS AFTER REMARKS ON RACISM
445:, attributed the four-point loss by Indian American candidate 2603: 1867:
Southeastern Gubernatorial Poll: Jindal holds commanding lead
1505:
and Donald Philip Green and David O. Sears. (Spring, 1990). "
758:
during the second and third seasons of the television drama
1507:
White Reactions to Black Candidates: When Does Race Matter?
2752:", University of Washington Office of News and Information 878:, giving him more electoral votes than Secretary Clinton. 242:
for President of the United States, and the 1989 race for
3093:"'Shy' Voters Probably Aren't Why The Polls Missed Trump" 1958:
Alter, Jonathan. (2006, December 25–2, 007, January 1). "
3160:"Shaping the Race Issue: A Special Kind of Journalism" 1870: 1810:
New Orleans mayor crosses party lines, endorses Jindal
1253:
California poll on Prop. 8 could show 'Bradley effect'
1160:
California poll on Prop. 8 could show 'Bradley effect'
908:
The Bradley effect—as well a variant of the so-called
375:
During the early 1990s electoral contests with former
293:
Similar voter behavior was noted in the 1989 race for
2874:"The Palmer Effect Part 2: Yes, We Really Really Can" 249:
The 1983 race in Chicago featured a black candidate,
3022:"There may have been shy Trump supporters after all" 209:
In 1980s campaigns for African-American candidates,
1444:
Barack Obama's race seems to be a second-tier issue
3015: 3013: 1929: 1927: 1925: 1421:Pew Research Center for the People & the Press 435:A few analysts, such as political commentator and 2715:"North Carolina Statewide Survey Research Report" 1578:Dukakis Defeats Jackson Handily in Wisconsin Vote 111:, the long-time mayor of Los Angeles, ran as the 1224:Weekly Standard; Aaron Miskin; November 11, 2008 567:American Association for Public Opinion Research 1711:Ford plays against type in bid for Senate upset 1411: 1409: 1407: 1405: 1403: 1401: 1399: 1397: 1395: 1393: 1368:If Obama Loses: Don't Blame the Bradley Effect" 1051: 1049: 3224:"It was guns, not race, that affected Bradley" 3190:"Will Obama suffer from the 'Bradley effect'?" 2540:"Many think 'Bradley effect' won't hurt Obama" 1736:Gates, Henry Louis Jr. (September 25, 1995). " 1136:Could Bradley Effect Change November Election? 1029:"Election Poll Problems: Did Some Voters Lie?" 275:holding an 18-point lead over white candidate 2858:Valdes-Rodriguez, Alisa (November 2, 2008). " 2257:The Bradley Effect Was about Guns, Not Racism 2083:Henry, William A. III. (November 15, 1982). " 1654: 1652: 636:higher-than-expected turnout in California's 527:—a race in which both candidates were white. 8: 2009: 2007: 1871:Southeastern Social Sciences Research Center 1233:Nelson, Colleen McCain. (August 10, 2002). " 504:race for United States Senator from Maryland 451:2003 Louisiana gubernatorial runoff election 2928:"The Persistent Myth of the Bradley Effect" 2687:"North Carolina Presidential Election Poll" 2226:"Did racist voters cost Obama the primary?" 2219: 2217: 1108:III, William A. Henry (November 15, 1982). 939:Ethnocultural politics in the United States 2978:"Poll Data Doesn't Reflect Bradley Effect" 2694:InsiderAdvantage/Majority Opinion Research 2398:"Are Voters Telling The Truth About Race?" 2251: 2249: 2247: 1593: 1591: 1319:Who's Most Worried About a Bradley Effect? 1189: 1187: 1185: 1183: 1181: 744:and father on the 1980s television series 2958:Cell Phones and Political Surveys: Part 1 2830:"Philadelphia 18th Ward election results" 2567:"Obama needs early win to get black vote" 2268:California Journal of Politics and Policy 1438: 1436: 1434: 1432: 1430: 1428: 694:New Hampshire Democratic primary election 2120:Rosenthal, Andrew. (November 9, 1989). " 1954: 1952: 1840:Deslatte, Melinda. (October 20, 2007). " 1217: 1215: 841:2016 United States presidential election 783:2016 United States presidential election 660:2008 United States presidential election 489:Tennessee race for United States Senator 3067:"Poll: 'Shy Trump' voters are a mirage" 2902:Robinson, Eugene. (January 11, 2008). " 2443:Frankovic, Kathy (September 19, 2008). 2314:Tom Bradley Didn't Lose Because of Race 2199:Holmes, Stephen A. (October 12, 2008). 1935:Impact of race on Ford's defeat debated 1933:Rowland, Ashley. (November 12, 2006). " 1705: 1703: 1597:Shapiro, Walter. (November 20, 1989). " 1300:Should Obama Fear The "Bradley Effect"? 1199:"The Bradley Effect – Selective Memory" 1079: 1077: 1075: 1073: 1071: 959: 591:, worked on the 2006 campaign of black 519:opponent, then longtime Representative 3299:Politics and race in the United States 3210: 3199: 3168:Political Communication and Persuasion 2834:Philadelphia County Board of Elections 2538:Fulbright, Leslie (October 21, 2008). 2520: 2509: 2462: 2452: 2013:Koppelman, Alex. (January 24, 2008). " 1910:Locker, Richard. (November 1, 2006). " 1635:Bacon, Perry Jr. (January 23, 2007). " 1012:: CS1 maint: archived copy as title ( 1005: 301:, an African-American, and Republican 143:Bradley narrowly lost the overall race 55:1982 California gubernatorial election 2995:Jackson, Natalie (November 7, 2016). 2778:Thompson, Isaiah (October 29, 2008). 2480:Daniel J. Hopkins (October 4, 2008). 2105:The Bradley Effect – Selective Memory 1524:Isaacson, Walter. (April 11, 1983). " 1055:Reddy, Patrick. (January 20, 2002). " 431:2003 Louisiana gubernatorial election 253:, running against a white candidate, 7: 3065:Shepard, Steven (November 3, 2016). 3046:Schwartz, Ian (September 25, 2019). 2741:Schwarz, Joel. (February 6, 2008). " 2270:: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1, Article 27. 2224:Siddique, Haroon (January 9, 2008). 2179:Kohut, Andrew. (January 10, 2008). " 2152:Biegelsen, Amy. (January 9, 2008). " 2042:Walker, Adrian. (January 4, 2007). " 1754:Barnes, Fred. (November 17, 2003). " 1576:Dionne, E. J. Jr. (April 6, 1988). " 1544:Washington-Epton Race Was Often Ugly 1251:Rojas, Aurelio. (October 9, 2008). " 1158:Rojas, Aurelio. (October 9, 2008). " 854:was predicted to defeat businessman 3188:Carroll, Jason (October 14, 2008). 2956:Blumenthal, Mark. (July 3, 2007). " 2591:Jones, Jackie. (January 2, 2008). " 2332:Levin, Blair. (October 19, 2008). " 2283:Russo, Frank D. (January 9, 2008). 1781:Dreher, Rod. (November 21, 2003). " 1617:Black, Chris. (November 9, 1989). " 1442:Polman, Dick. (January 21, 2007). " 1235:Race makes state races hard to call 883:preferences to avoid being seen as 668:Some have suggested that President 53:, an African-American who lost the 3091:Enten, Harry (November 16, 2016). 2836:. November 4, 2008. Archived from 2352:Levin, Blair. (October 21, 2008). 2015:Will whites vote for Barack Obama? 1883:Cose, Ellis. (October 30, 2006), " 1865:Abade, Rene. (October 10, 2007). " 1637:Can Obama Count On the Black Vote? 1558:Peterson, Bill. (April 4, 1988). " 1542:Carr, Camilla. (April 12, 1983). " 1134:Perez, Simon. (October 9, 2008). " 858:. Nevertheless, Trump won the key 754:, a fictional president played by 159:University of California, Berkeley 14: 3222:Mathews, Joe (November 4, 2008). 2724:. August 18, 2008. Archived from 2696:. August 19, 2008. Archived from 2616:Tabin, John. (January 9, 2008). " 2312:Russo, Sal. (October 20, 2008). " 2201:Pollsters Debate 'Bradley Effect' 2762:Will closet racism derail Obama? 1709:West, Paul. (October 6, 2006). " 1085:Will There Be an 'Obama Effect?' 1027:Gary Langer (November 8, 1989). 839:Although both candidates in the 821:winning the presidency. Clinton 800: 791: 199: 190: 181: 2803:Smith, Ben (October 30, 2008). 1842:Jindal wins La. governor's race 1083:Elder, Janet. (May 16, 2007). " 711:primaries of February 5, 2008, 3294:Elections in the United States 1110:"Press: Fighting the Last War" 915:Florida gubernatorial election 623:Prominent Republican pollster 315:Also sometimes mentioned are: 1: 3289:Data anonymization techniques 3284:American political neologisms 3181:10.1080/10584609.1988.9962847 1619:POLLSTERS SAY SOME VOTERS LIE 825:but lost the election in the 2487:. Department of Government, 1940:Chattanooga Times Free Press 1347:The 'Bradley effect' in 2008 3309:Voting in the United States 3253:"The 'Bradley effect' myth" 2639:"News from the Vote Master" 2379:The New York Times Magazine 2262:September 25, 2009, at the 1526:The Making of a Litmus Test 1515:, Vol. 54, No. 1, pp. 74–96 944:Racism in the United States 740:, a respected middle-class 575:, who was the president of 423:Possible diminished effects 323:between white former mayor 59:California attorney general 3330: 3158:Payne, J. Gregory (1988). 2578:Melissa V. Harris-Lacewell 1890:February 16, 2007, at the 1847:December 24, 2007, at the 1738:Powell and the Black Elite 1222:A Base Election After All? 1057:Does McCall Have A Chance? 815:2016 presidential election 678:2008 presidential campaign 2748:February 8, 2008, at the 2722:Tel Opinion Research, LLC 2290:January 13, 2008, at the 2020:October 25, 2008, at the 1965:February 9, 2007, at the 1917:Memphis Commercial Appeal 1761:October 19, 2008, at the 1449:The Philadelphia Inquirer 1324:October 12, 2008, at the 1258:October 10, 2008, at the 1165:October 10, 2008, at the 1141:December 5, 2008, at the 1124:– via www.time.com. 319:The 1987 mayoral race in 2963:August 30, 2008, at the 2598:January 4, 2008, at the 2274:: 10.2202/1944-4370.1054 2159:October 7, 2008, at the 2065:. (October 12, 2008). " 1988:. (October 12, 2008). " 1788:October 7, 2008, at the 1599:Breakthrough in Virginia 1512:Public Opinion Quarterly 717:University of Washington 364:between black candidate 360:The 1992 Senate race in 338:between black candidate 334:The 1990 Senate race in 155:African-American Studies 69:social desirability bias 2785:Philadelphia City Paper 2545:San Francisco Chronicle 2446:Does Race Skew Polling? 2319:The Wall Street Journal 2072:CBS News Sunday Morning 1995:CBS News Sunday Morning 1687:. (1987, November 4). " 1668:Philadelphia Daily News 1663:Decoding the lawn signs 1661:. (October 23, 2008). " 1452:, "The American Debate" 1366:. (November 2, 2008). " 1345:. (October 2, 2008). " 1317:. (October 9, 2008). " 968:"East Coast Bias Watch" 925:, and white Republican 917:between black Democrat 696:by a large margin over 577:the Gallup Organization 138:San Francisco Chronicle 3209:Cite journal requires 3006:– via Huff Post. 2805:"Race and the economy" 2623:The American Spectator 2618:It's Crying Time Again 2519:Cite journal requires 2432:on September 18, 2008. 2420:(September 17, 2008). 2372:(September 26, 2008). 1795:National Review Online 1489:National Review Online 1331:National Review Online 1298:. (October 6, 2008). " 1195:Tarrance, V. Lance Jr. 880:Post-election analysis 734:Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez 673: 625:V. Lance Tarrance, Jr. 542:V. Lance Tarrance, Jr. 484: 404: 290: 244:Mayor of New York City 117:Governor of California 115:Party's candidate for 26: 3144:on November 16, 2018. 2904:Echoes Of Tom Bradley 2780:"The Fishtown Effect" 2731:on September 9, 2008. 2703:on September 9, 2008. 2255:Mathews, Joe (2009) " 2154:Obama's Wilder Lesson 2085:Fighting the Last War 1826:July 4, 2007, at the 1482:May 17, 2007, at the 1277:(1982, October 13). " 845:United States Senator 715:researchers from the 686:United States Senator 667: 478: 399: 285: 24: 2792:on November 2, 2008. 2572:The Washington Times 2374:"The Bradley Effect" 2334:What Bradley Effect? 1885:The 'Bradley Effect' 1815:May 9, 2007, at the 1197:(October 13, 2008). 823:won the popular vote 495:and white candidate 342:and white candidate 327:and black incumbent 295:Governor of Virginia 127:, who was white (of 3097:fivethirtyeight.com 2984:. November 7, 2008. 2938:on December 2, 2013 2932:FiveThirtyEight.com 2926:(August 11, 2008). 2909:The Washington Post 2860:The Huxtable Effect 2840:on November 8, 2008 2637:Andrew, Tanenbaum. 2604:BlackAmericaWeb.com 2498:on October 10, 2008 2206:The Washington Post 1768:The Weekly Standard 1694:The Washington Post 1659:Smerconish, Michael 1565:The Washington Post 1475:. (May 15, 2007). " 1373:The Washington Post 1240:Dallas Morning News 994:on January 20, 2009 897:FiveThirtyEight.com 728:economic concerns. 581:Pew Research Center 479:Polling numbers in 438:The Weekly Standard 366:Carol Moseley Braun 73:politically correct 33:(less commonly the 3261:. November 4, 2008 3246:The Bradley Effect 3242:Raphael Sonenshein 2768:, October 20, 2008 2489:Harvard University 2339:The New York Times 2186:The New York Times 2141:Detroit Free Press 2127:The New York Times 1583:The New York Times 1284:The New York Times 1090:The New York Times 849:Secretary of State 674: 650:Harvard University 589:The Polling Report 554:affirmative action 485: 405: 291: 27: 3314:Cognitive inertia 3258:Los Angeles Times 3052:RealClearPolitics 2884:on April 20, 2016 2872:Design, Hexalys. 2109:RealClearPolitics 2044:Sharing the Pride 1960:Is America Ready? 1756:The Wilder Effect 1716:The Baltimore Sun 1477:None of the Above 1352:Los Angeles Times 827:Electoral College 713:political science 617:Los Angeles Times 525:race for governor 471:2006 Senate races 299:L. Douglas Wilder 297:between Democrat 287:L. Douglas Wilder 251:Harold Washington 211:Harold Washington 125:George Deukmejian 97:spiral of silence 62:George Deukmejian 48:Los Angeles mayor 25:Mayor Tom Bradley 3321: 3270: 3268: 3266: 3244:(October 2008), 3238: 3236: 3234: 3218: 3212: 3207: 3205: 3197: 3184: 3164: 3146: 3145: 3140:. Archived from 3128: 3122: 3121: 3114: 3108: 3107: 3105: 3103: 3088: 3082: 3081: 3079: 3077: 3062: 3056: 3055: 3043: 3037: 3036: 3034: 3032: 3017: 3008: 3007: 3005: 3003: 2992: 2986: 2985: 2974: 2968: 2954: 2948: 2947: 2945: 2943: 2934:. Archived from 2920: 2914: 2900: 2894: 2893: 2891: 2889: 2880:. Archived from 2878:www.thesimon.com 2869: 2863: 2856: 2850: 2849: 2847: 2845: 2826: 2820: 2819: 2817: 2815: 2800: 2794: 2793: 2788:. 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The 78: 74: 70: 65: 63: 60: 56: 52: 49: 44: 40: 36: 35:Wilder effect 32: 23: 19: 3263:. Retrieved 3256: 3231:. Retrieved 3228:Politico.com 3202:cite journal 3172: 3166: 3142:the original 3137:Miami Herald 3135: 3126: 3112: 3100:. Retrieved 3096: 3086: 3074:. Retrieved 3070: 3060: 3041: 3029:. Retrieved 3025: 3000:. Retrieved 2990: 2981: 2972: 2952: 2940:. Retrieved 2936:the original 2924:Silver, Nate 2918: 2907: 2898: 2886:. Retrieved 2882:the original 2877: 2867: 2854: 2842:. Retrieved 2838:the original 2824: 2812:. Retrieved 2809:The Politico 2798: 2790:the original 2783: 2773: 2757: 2737: 2726:the original 2721: 2709: 2698:the original 2693: 2681: 2669:. Retrieved 2663: 2654: 2642:. Retrieved 2632: 2621: 2612: 2587: 2576: 2570: 2561: 2549:. Retrieved 2543: 2533: 2512:cite journal 2500:. Retrieved 2493:the original 2475: 2445: 2438: 2430:the original 2418:Sammon, Bill 2412: 2401: 2388: 2377: 2364: 2348: 2337: 2328: 2317: 2308: 2279: 2267: 2234:. 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Retrieved 989:the original 975: 966:Kevin Drum, 962: 927:Ron DeSantis 907: 893: 889: 872:Pennsylvania 856:Donald Trump 838: 831:Donald Trump 777: 773: 770: 766: 759: 752:David Palmer 745: 742:obstetrician 722: 706: 682:Barack Obama 675: 670:Barack Obama 647: 634: 630: 622: 616: 613: 601:conservative 588: 585: 573:Andrew Kohut 571: 563: 546: 538: 535:Exit polling 529: 501: 486: 459:contributor 454: 447:Bobby Jindal 436: 434: 426: 417:Bill Clinton 409:Colin Powell 406: 401:Colin Powell 383:sympathizer 377:Ku Klux Klan 369: 340:Harvey Gantt 329:Wilson Goode 321:Philadelphia 314: 309: 307: 292: 270: 259: 248: 226: 173:1983 to 1992 163:Mervin Field 152: 148: 136: 106: 88:Barack Obama 85: 66: 34: 30: 28: 18: 3265:November 5, 3233:November 4, 2844:November 5, 2644:January 13, 2551:October 21, 2502:October 10, 2463:|work= 2394:Zogby, John 1727:candidate." 1384:Kachigian, 1204:October 13, 1038:January 19, 998:October 16, 923:Tallahassee 593:U.S. Senate 481:Harold Ford 443:Fred Barnes 379:leader and 344:Jesse Helms 325:Frank Rizzo 231:, the 1988 109:Tom Bradley 51:Tom Bradley 3304:Psephology 3278:Categories 2942:August 11, 2862:" AlterNet 2814:October 6, 2236:January 9, 2209:, Page A06 1697:, Page A25 955:References 707:After the 684:, a black 595:candidate 521:Ben Cardin 517:Democratic 510:candidate 508:Republican 497:Bob Corker 461:Rod Dreher 385:David Duke 355:Bob Lanier 233:Democratic 133:exit polls 123:candidate 121:Republican 113:Democratic 77:exit polls 2465:ignored ( 2455:cite book 2354:Interview 2027:Salon.com 876:Wisconsin 392:Mid–1990s 240:Wisconsin 107:In 1982, 43:non-white 3102:March 4, 3076:March 4, 3071:Politico 3031:March 4, 3002:March 1, 2982:CBS News 2961:Archived 2888:March 1, 2766:BBC News 2746:Archived 2671:March 1, 2665:ABC News 2596:Archived 2288:Archived 2260:Archived 2232:. 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Index


white
non-white
Los Angeles mayor
Tom Bradley
1982 California gubernatorial election
California attorney general
George Deukmejian
social desirability bias
politically correct
exit polls
race
Barack Obama
shy Tory factor
spiral of silence
Tom Bradley
Democratic
Governor of California
Republican
George Deukmejian
Armenian
exit polls
San Francisco Chronicle
Bradley narrowly lost the overall race
African-American Studies
University of California, Berkeley
Mervin Field
Ken Khachigian

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