Knowledge (XXG)

Wolfowitz Doctrine

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323:, p. 52: "Preemption requires hegemony. Although Bush speaks, in his letter of transmittal, of creating 'a balance of power that favors human freedom' while forsaking 'unilateral advantage,' the body of the NSS makes it clear that 'our forces will be strong enough to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military build-up in hopes of surpassing, or equaling, the power of the United States.' The West Point speech put it more bluntly: 'America has, and intends to keep, military strengths beyond challenge.' The president has at last approved, therefore, Paul Wolfowitz's controversial recommendation to this effect, made in a 1992 'Defense Planning Guidance' draft subsequently leaked to the press and then disavowed by the first Bush administration. It's no accident that Wolfowitz, as deputy secretary of defense, has been at the center of the new Bush administration's strategic planning." 161:
renationalization of security policies, and provide security at lower costs and with lower risks for all. Our preference for a collective response to preclude threats or, if necessary, to deal with them is a key feature of our regional defense strategy. The third goal is to preclude any hostile power from dominating a region critical to our interests, and also thereby to strengthen the barriers against the re-emergence of a global threat to the interests of the U.S. and our allies.
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security of Israel and to maintaining the qualitative edge that is critical to Israel's security. Israel's confidence in its security and U.S.-Israel strategic cooperation contribute to the stability of the entire region, as demonstrated once again during the Persian Gulf War. At the same time, our assistance to our Arab friends to defend themselves against aggression also strengthens security throughout the region, including for Israel.
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safeguard our access to international air and seaways. As demonstrated by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, it remains fundamentally important to prevent a hegemon or alignment of powers from dominating the region. This pertains especially to the Arabian peninsula. Therefore, we must continue to play a role through enhanced deterrence and improved cooperative security.
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Russia the newly independent republics of Ukraine, Belarus, and possibly others... We must, however, be mindful that democratic change in Russia is not irreversible, and that despite its current travails, Russia will remain the strongest military power in Eurasia and the only power in the world with the capability of destroying the United States.
115:. Completing the draft in March 1992, Khalilzad requested permission from Libby to circulate it to other officials within the Pentagon. Libby assented and within three days Khalilzad's draft was released to the New York Times by "an official who believed this post-cold war strategy debate should be carried out in the public domain." 175:
sufficiently for the interests of the advanced industrial nations to discourage them from challenging our leadership or seeking to overturn the established political and economic order. We must maintain the mechanism for deterring potential competitors from even aspiring to a larger regional or global role.
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Like the coalition that opposed Iraqi aggression, we should expect future coalitions to be ad hoc assemblies, often not lasting beyond the crisis being confronted, and in many cases carrying only general agreement over the objectives to be accomplished. Nevertheless, the sense that the world order is
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While the United States cannot become the world's policeman and assume responsibility for solving every international security problem, neither can we allow our critical interests to depend solely on international mechanisms that can be blocked by countries whose interests may be very different than
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In the Middle East and Southwest Asia, our overall objective is to remain the predominant outside power in the region and preserve U.S. and Western access to the region's oil. We also seek to deter further aggression in the region, foster regional stability, protect U.S. nationals and property, and
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Our first objective is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival, either on the territory of the former Soviet Union or elsewhere, that poses a threat on the order of that posed formerly by the Soviet Union. This is a dominant consideration underlying the new regional defense strategy and requires
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In the Middle East and Persian Gulf, we seek to foster regional stability, deter aggression against our friends and interests in the region, protect U.S. nationals and property, and safeguard our access to international air and seaways and to the region's oil. The United States is committed to the
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While the U.S. cannot become the world's policeman, by assuming responsibility for righting every wrong, we will retain the preeminent responsibility for addressing selectively those wrongs which threaten not only our interests, but those of our allies or friends, or which could seriously unsettle
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We continue to recognize that collectively the conventional forces of the states formerly comprising the Soviet Union retain the most military potential in all of Eurasia; and we do not dismiss the risks to stability in Europe from a nationalist backlash in Russia or efforts to reincorporate into
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The U.S. must show the leadership necessary to establish and protect a new order that holds the promise of convincing potential competitors that they need not aspire to a greater role or pursue a more aggressive posture to protect their legitimate interests. In non-defense areas, we must account
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One of the primary tasks we face today in shaping the future is carrying long standing alliances into the new era, and turning old enmities into new cooperative relationships. If we and other leading democracies continue to build a democratic security community, a much safer world is likely to
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Our most fundamental goal is to deter or defeat attack from whatever source... The second goal is to strengthen and extend the system of defense arrangements that binds democratic and like-minded nations together in common defense against aggression, build habits of cooperation, avoid the
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our own. Where our allies interests are directly affected, we must expect them to take an appropriate share of the responsibility, and in some cases play the leading role; but we maintain the capabilities for addressing selectively those security problems that threaten our own interests.
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Wolfowitz was ultimately responsible for the Defense Planning Guidance, as it was released through his office and was reflective of his overall outlook. The task of preparing the document fell to Libby, who delegated the process of writing the new strategy to
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Certain situations like the crisis leading to the Gulf War are likely to engender ad hoc coalitions. We should plan to maximize the value of such coalitions. This may include specialized roles for our forces as well as developing cooperative practices with
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The U.S. has a significant stake in promoting democratic consolidation and peaceful relations between Russia, Ukraine and the other republics of the former Soviet Union.
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that we endeavor to prevent any hostile power from dominating a region whose resources would, under consolidated control, be sufficient to generate global power.
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Gaddis's essay is reprinted in Paul Bolt, Damon V. Coletta and Collins G. Shackleford Jr., eds., (2005), American Defense Policy (8th ed.), Baltimore, MD:
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is an unofficial name given to the initial version of the Defense Planning Guidance for the 1994–1999 fiscal years (dated February 18, 1992) published by U.S.
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and pre-emptive military action to suppress potential threats from other nations and prevent dictatorships from rising to superpower status.
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on March 7, 1992, and sparked a public controversy about U.S. foreign and defense policy. The document was widely criticized as
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Caputo Leiva, Orlando (2007). "The World Economy and the United States at the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century".
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The April 16 release was more circumspect and it reaffirmed U.S. commitments to Israel as well as its Arab allies.
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The doctrine announces the U.S.'s status as the world's only remaining superpower following the collapse of the
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Such was the outcry that the document was hastily re-written under the close supervision of
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before being officially released on April 16, 1992. Many of its tenets re-emerged in the
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The doctrine stated the U.S's right to intervene when and where it believed necessary.
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The doctrine clarified the overall objectives in the Middle East and Southwest Asia.
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This was removed from the April 16 release in favour of a more diplomatic approach.
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The doctrine establishes the U.S.'s leadership role within the new world order.
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U.S. Strategy Plan Calls for Insuring No Rivals Develop: A One-Superpower World
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The doctrine highlighted the possible threat posed by a resurgent Russia.
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This was re-written with a change in emphasis in the April 16 release.
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ultimately backed by the U.S. will be an important stabilizing factor.
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emerge. If we act separately, many other problems could result.
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The doctrine downplays the value of international coalitions.
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and proclaims its main objective to be retaining that status.
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Interview with Barton Gellman on 1992 Defense Policy Guidance
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The Making of the Cheney Regional Defense Strategy, 1991-1992
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This was substantially re-written in the April 16 release.
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This was substantially re-written in the April 16 release.
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A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm
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This was softened slightly in the April 16 release.
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(8 March 1992a). 25: 530:Defense Policy Guidance 1992–1994 87:, which was described by Senator 2147:Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe 838:Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic 674:Democratic Republic of the Congo 608: 2528:Presidency of George H. W. 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Retrieved 504: 488:. Retrieved 482: 445: 441: 406: 391:. Retrieved 372:Bibliography 358: 349: 340: 328: 316: 304: 273: 269: 264: 260: 251: 247: 242: 238: 228: 224: 219: 215: 205: 201: 196: 192: 182: 178: 173: 169: 166:U.S. primacy 159: 155: 150: 141:Soviet Union 138: 97: 81:Colin Powell 68: 53: 38: 37: 2459:Foreign aid 2449:Containment 2401:Kirkpatrick 2285:Doctrines, 2242:Middle East 2217:Arab League 1889:New Zealand 1877:Australasia 1857:Switzerland 1852:Netherlands 1418:Philippines 1325:Afghanistan 1304:South Korea 1299:North Korea 1090:El Salvador 782:South Sudan 448:(1): 9–15. 363:Tyler 1992b 321:Gaddis 2002 309:Tyler 1992a 74:Dick Cheney 60:imperialist 2507:Categories 2406:Weinberger 2335:Eisenhower 2289:, concepts 2177:Yugoslavia 1946:Micronesia 1929:Micronesia 1842:Luxembourg 1786:San Marino 1771:Montenegro 1454:Azerbaijan 1393:East Timor 1330:Bangladesh 1256:Uzbekistan 1246:Tajikistan 1241:Kyrgyzstan 1236:Kazakhstan 1085:Costa Rica 952:Mauritania 922:The Gambia 912:Cape Verde 775:Somaliland 765:Seychelles 755:Mozambique 740:Madagascar 490:30 October 297:References 2421:Wolfowitz 2302:doctrines 2227:East Asia 2202:relations 1965:Polynesia 1898:Melanesia 1884:Australia 1666:Lithuania 1511:Palestine 1423:Singapore 1398:Indonesia 1376:Southeast 1367:Sri Lanka 1277:Hong Kong 1209:Venezuela 1154:Argentina 1110:Nicaragua 1095:Guatemala 1054:St. Lucia 997:Caribbean 750:Mauritius 630:relations 628:Bilateral 470:153407145 2479:Rollback 2439:Blowback 2432:concepts 2416:Rumsfeld 2287:policies 1936:Kiribati 1796:Slovenia 1781:Portugal 1751:Holy See 1707:Southern 1629:Northern 1615:Slovakia 1573:Bulgaria 1484:military 1428:Thailand 1408:Malaysia 1388:Cambodia 1360:military 1355:Pakistan 1345:Maldives 1294:Mongolia 1199:Suriname 1189:Paraguay 1174:Colombia 1124:Northern 1100:Honduras 1024:Dominica 1014:Barbados 990:Americas 871:Eswatini 866:Botswana 859:Southern 802:Zimbabwe 787:Tanzania 730:Ethiopia 720:Djibouti 659:Cameroon 512:29 March 462:27647989 280:See also 145:Cold War 2396:Stimson 2365:Clinton 2345:Johnson 2340:Kennedy 2127:Prussia 2007:Artsakh 1920:Vanuatu 1870:Oceania 1832:Germany 1822:Belgium 1817:Austria 1810:Western 1729:Croatia 1719:Andorra 1714:Albania 1691:Bermuda 1656:Ireland 1651:Iceland 1646:Finland 1641:Estonia 1636:Denmark 1620:Ukraine 1605:Romania 1588:Moldova 1583:Hungary 1568:Belarus 1561:Eastern 1501:Lebanon 1464:Georgia 1459:Bahrain 1449:Armenia 1442:Western 1433:Vietnam 1413:Myanmar 1229:Central 1204:Uruguay 1179:Ecuador 1159:Bolivia 1073:Central 1044:Jamaica 1034:Grenada 1009:Bahamas 967:Senegal 962:Nigeria 942:Liberia 881:Namibia 876:Lesotho 850:Tunisia 833:Morocco 818:Algeria 770:Somalia 725:Eritrea 715:Comoros 710:Burundi 647:Central 425:3183557 388:cfr.org 207:others. 2411:Powell 2360:Reagan 2355:Carter 2330:Truman 2315:Monroe 2212:Africa 1987:Tuvalu 1847:Monaco 1827:France 1791:Serbia 1761:Kosovo 1746:Greece 1734:Cyprus 1676:Sweden 1671:Norway 1661:Latvia 1610:Russia 1600:Poland 1554:Europe 1531:Turkey 1496:Kuwait 1491:Jordan 1479:Israel 1383:Brunei 1335:Bhutan 1309:Taiwan 1184:Guyana 1164:Brazil 1131:Canada 1115:Panama 1105:Mexico 1080:Belize 932:Guinea 797:Zambia 792:Uganda 760:Rwanda 745:Malawi 654:Angola 640:Africa 468:  460:  423:  393:12 May 123:": --> 2375:Obama 2350:Nixon 1982:Tonga 1977:Samoa 1956:Palau 1951:Nauru 1801:Spain 1766:Malta 1756:Italy 1541:Yemen 1526:Syria 1516:Qatar 1350:Nepal 1340:India 1318:South 1289:Japan 1282:Macau 1272:China 1169:Chile 1147:South 1136:trade 1039:Haiti 957:Niger 927:Ghana 902:Benin 845:Sudan 828:Libya 823:Egypt 811:North 735:Kenya 689:Gabon 565:- PBS 466:S2CID 458:JSTOR 421:JSTOR 2370:Bush 2252:C5+1 2222:Asia 1905:Fiji 1506:Oman 1474:Iraq 1469:Iran 1403:Laos 1265:East 1222:Asia 1194:Peru 1019:Cuba 977:Togo 947:Mali 895:West 703:East 669:Chad 514:2022 492:2013 395:2013 125:edit 76:and 450:doi 413:doi 2509:: 555:, 544:, 503:. 481:. 464:. 456:. 446:34 444:. 419:. 386:. 107:, 600:e 593:t 586:v 516:. 494:. 472:. 452:: 435:. 427:. 415:: 397:. 365:. 311:. 129:] 20:)

Index

Defense Planning Guidance

Under Secretary of Defense for Policy
Paul Wolfowitz
Scooter Libby
New York Times
imperialist
unilateralism
U.S. Secretary of Defense
Dick Cheney
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Colin Powell
Bush Doctrine
Edward M. Kennedy
American imperialism
Zalmay Khalilzad
Andrew Marshall
Richard Perle
Albert Wohlstetter
Soviet Union
Cold War
Bush Doctrine
A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm
Tyler 1992a
Gaddis 2002
Caputo Leiva 2007
Tyler 1992b
Bush, George W.
"Remarks to the U.S. Military Academy"
cfr.org

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