572:), and that the depositions of the other officers may not always have been fully truthful, or fair to Lucas. So there remains a whiff of scape-goating around the procedure. In the main, Lucas was considered to have been most culpable in disregarding the instruction of the former States General not to call at any place in the Cape Colony in case he was certain that that Colony was occupied by a superior enemy force, but to proceed forthwith to the French colony of Isle de France in that case. As to his conduct during the sojourn in Saldanha bay he was adjudged to have been derelict in his duty to secure the safety of the fleet by putting shore batteries in place, and taking measures to get early warning of the arrival of enemy ships. Also, he should not prematurely have given his word of honor to refrain from sabotaging the ships and kept his head when the mutiny started. In sum, Spoors writes that these examples of dereliction of duty were in his opinion the consequence of lack of military competence and arrogance, but that there was no reason to doubt Lucas' honesty or
480:
council of war decided unanimously to negotiate terms with
Elphinstone, as resistance appeared to be useless. They motivated this with two considerations: the mutinous attitude of the crews, which made it more likely that they would murder their officers than fight, and that it was impossible to beach the ships and burn them, because the British land force blocked escape by land, and the crews would equally oppose this. To avoid a massacre capitulation on terms therefore seemed inevitable. The council then devised a number of terms they would propose to the British commander, among which were the condition that the officers and crews would get passage on two
309:(present-day Mauritius). The fact that the squadron did not have any infantry soldiers on board, with which to conduct a land campaign, makes this a quite reasonable command, as an opposed landing would have been impossible with the forces available. The fact that he in the event ignored this instruction was one of the main reasons why his conduct was eventually condemned. But in his defense, the fate of the Cape Colony had become known just before the squadron sailed in January 1796, so that it would have been possible to amend the instructions, to make them less ambiguous.
568:
be expected from a
Batavian naval officer, and which had contributed to the loss of the squadron? Spoors conscientiously tried to answer these questions in 138 pages, with no less than 282 footnotes, mostly referring to depositions. He appears to have bent over backwards to be fair to Lucas, but it must be remembered that Lucas had not had an opportunity to defend himself (though use was made of his
509:; in other cases crew members with Patriot sympathies cursed admiral Lucas and the officers for "cowardly" surrendering the ships without a fight. Everywhere larders and liquor cabinets were broken open and looted, chests with personal belongings and wine casks stolen. In some cases this lasted all night and resumed the next day, until the British intervened anew and arrested the ring leaders
564:, and which resulted in a lengthy report. This was accepted by the Court, which passed sentence on the living defendants on 14 December 1797. All were acquitted, as the preponderant responsibility for the mishap with the squadron was adjudged to lie with admiral Lucas. The report and the sentence were communicated to the National Assembly, which decided to publish both in 1798.
539:, containing his version of events, which he completed on 18 April 1797. No doubt he intended this to be the basis of his defense. But his health had been bad since the surrender and deteriorated (probably from stress) further in the ensuing months. He now became so ill, that he was allowed to return home. He died of his illness a few days after returning home, on 21 June 1797.
418:, who encouraged Lucas to leave as soon as possible, as a British infantry force of appreciable strength was on its way, and the British fleet had been warned of Lucas' presence. However, though several officers testified to the veracity of the (white) servant, because they knew him from previous visits to the Cape Colony, Lucas took him for a spy, and disregarded the message.
667:
about the surrender at
Saldanha Bay. Lack of knowledge of foreign languages often prevents Anglophones from reading foreign sources, but that is why translators earn their living. So there seems to be no excuse for this lacuna in British histories of the event. A facsimile of the report is available in Google books, and a link to this source is supplied below under Sources.
615:, he expressed skepticism about the reality of support from the French navy, which the Batavian authorities appear to have hoped for, but he was sent out with too few means to execute an ambitious task, like a reconquest of the Cape, anyway, which makes it even more likely that such an ambition was not really present in the given circumstances; de Jonge b., pp. 279-280
443:
with his own eyes), but that there was no reliable information about the movements of the
English fleet to be had. With this information Lucas convened another council of war that decided to leave the bay as soon as possible. However, the day of departure was eventually fixed at 16 August, and even then that day passed with the squadron still in the bay.
313:
former stadtholder, who had fled to Great
Britain in January 1795) was strong. The same goes for a number of the officers, who had served in the "old navy" and who had only recently been recommissioned in the new navy. This would eventually give rise to a fateful mutiny, but warning signs had already been received when Lucas was still in his home port of
334:, arriving there on 13 April. In this port the squadron had a layover of no less than 34 days, to make necessary repairs, but mainly to take sufficient potable water for 14 weeks aboard. During this stay at this neutral port, several ships were sighted, that with 20/20 hindsight may be identified as the British frigate HMS
656:
The cause of death remains murky. Spoors writes that it was "an illness, which for a long time had been considered incurable" (Spoors, report, p. 1), but gives no further details. There is no suggestion it was anything other than a physical sickness, though it may have worsened under the influence of
624:
Fighting at anchor was done by putting so-called spring lines from a point half-way the side of the ship to the anchor cable at the waterline. This enabled the ship to point either broadside to the enemy, even if the wind would normally point the stern at the enemy, by manipulating the spring lines.
567:
The court, and therefore Spoors, limited themselves to two questions: 1. had Lucas followed his instructions, and was the surrender a consequence of his possible disregard of those instructions; and 2. had there been other acts or omissions by Lucas, and/or the other officers, contrary to what might
474:
now started to show signs of unrest. Some NCOs had entered captain
Rynbende's cabin and threatened him. He was able to restore order, but it did nothing to calm the nerves of the officers in the council of war that Lucas convened at 11 PM that night. He told the other captains that he had received an
504:
After the
British had taken possession of the ships all military discipline aboard broke down, despite the presence of British guards. On some ships mutineers, sporting orange-colored rags, ripped up Batavian flags, while shouting Orangist and anti-Patriot slogans. On others, officers, NCOs and crew
446:
By then it was too late, as in the afternoon of 16 August a
British frigate entered the entrance of the bay. It was later said that even then Lucas could have escaped by slipping his anchors, because the first British capital ships only arrived four or five hours later. At the same time the vanguard
304:
was at that moment not known with certainty) these instructions had a highly contingent character. In this context the instruction concerning what to do in case the Cape had been taken over by the enemy, is most relevant for what later happened. In that case Lucas was explicitly prohibited from even
551:
with a quandary. Lucas' trial had been about to begin, but could not proceed, as the
Batavian Republic, under the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, did not allow posthumous trials, let alone sentences. On the other hand, the trial of the other officers could not be fair, if the case
312:
Another problem with which Lucas would have to deal (and which eventually contributed greatly to the failure of the expedition) was the unreliability of the crews of the ships, especially their non-commissioned officers, among whom adherence to the cause of the
Orangist party (the supporters of the
479:
to surrender the squadron, and not make an attempt to sabotage the ships. He also told them that in a written exchange with Elphinstone he had already given the latter his word of honor that he would not try to damage his ships while negotiations were going on. In the light of this information the
390:
He did divulge this information at another council of war on 26 July, when the coast of Africa had been reached. But by then more than two months had elapsed since fresh potable water had been taken in and the water reserves had reached a worryingly low level. Because of this and the lack of fresh
442:
was sent to cover this spot. On 11 August Lucas sent naval lieutenant Valkenburg, who had a relative in the vicinity, to interrogate the man for information. Valkenburg returned with disturbing news: there was an infantry corps of 1,400 men and some field guns on its way (he had seen the vanguard
666:
As the report has been public for more than two centuries and it probably found its way to the British government in translation, either in whole or in part, and from there into the British archives, it is remarkable that its contents appear not to have been known to British historians who wrote
299:
from the former stadtholder to the governors of the colonies, which rumors made the authorities fear the loss of those company assets. The States General therefore drew up a number of secret instructions for Lucas in November 1795, but because of the existing uncertainty about the situation (for
610:
De Jonge denies emphatically that the squadron had 3,000 soldiers aboard, as some British historians appear to have asserted; de Jonge b, p. 279, note 2; One could reproach Lucas for accepting the command (as others seem to have refused it for just this reason) with such a weak force, and in a
466:
on the anchor cables, to prepare for a fight at anchor. At the same time Lucas sent long boats to the island where the sick were housed, to get as many as feasible back aboard to reinforce the undermanned crews. But one of the boats absconded to defect to the enemy, so the other boat had to be
386:
to reach the coast of Africa. The point is important, because by omitting to take in water and other supplies in Brazil, Lucas narrowed his margin of error in case he would have to avoid calling at the Cape, and sail on to Mauritius, in accordance with his secret instructions (which he did not
287:(lt. Barbier), that was destined for the Dutch East Indies. Lucas was given overall command of the squadron, apparently because he was the only senior officer available at the time (after many "old-navy officers hab been let go after the revolution) who had experience on a voyage to the Indies
294:
the VOC, and to take over both the assets and the liabilities of the company (this was actually decided in December 1795, and would happen on 1 March 1796) which venerable institution was virtually bankrupt, while on the other hand rumors were circulating about the surrender of certain of the
409:
to get information about the strength of the enemy, the council of war agreed that this was superfluous, as it was fairly certain that the Cape Colony was in the hands of the British. The squadron therefore set course for Saldanha Bay, where it arrived in the evening of 6 August 1796.
217:
revolution of 1785 and its suppression in 1787, with its subsequent purge of the officer corps of the navy of Patriot sympathizers. This may have saved his commission, as he later became known as an ardent supporter of the Patriot cause, which helped advance his career after the
324:, and this combined fleet sailed around Scotland, to evade heavy concentrations of British ships. A severe storm in early March dispersed this fleet, and Lucas' squadron eventually lost contact, after 19 March, and continued separately on its way to the first port of call
413:
Shortly after arrival landing parties were sent out to interrogate the local population. The information that was received this way was contradictory, and Lucas tended to doubt it. On 9 August, however, more definite information was received from the servant of a local
433:
do was possibly even more negligent. He omitted for instance to have a frigate patrol the entrance to the Bay to give early warning of the arrival of an enemy fleet, or to have put shore batteries on strategic points on the shore of the bay, as his officers advised.
350:
on board) also convoying troop transports. Though these sightings were not certain at the time, Lucas was later reproached for his failure to pursue these ships, as that might have done some harm to the cause of the enemy (as was his obligation as a naval officer).
230:, to report on the state of the fleet. The commission soon reported that the state was dire, and that many ships needed extensive repairs to become operational again. The report formed the basis for an extensive program of naval construction in 1795–96.
425:(despite the objections of his flag captain, James Melvill) and bringing the sick ashore on one of the islands in the bay, who were housed in tents, made of the sails. Lucas replied to Melvill's objections with the remark that they were "lying in the
467:
recalled. He did nothing else, and so the squadron was bottled up in the bay after the main British force of eight ships of the line and about five frigates entered the bay, and anchored in line of battle outside the reach of the Dutch guns.
646:
On 19 May 1797. This court consisted of the vice-admirals Sels and Van der Beets, and the commanders van Overveldt, van Kerchem, Grootenraad, Holland, and Byls. Grootenraad and Holland were later replaced by cdr. Gervaas; de Jonge b., p.
516:
of 1797 on the British side. Most officers returned to the Batavian Republic aboard a cartel ship in December 1796, but Lucas, and captains Rynbende and Claris booked passage on a neutral American ship and arrived in February 1797 in
521:; Lucas from there went back to the Netherlands aboard a ship under Prussian flag, and went home to Schiedam. He reported his arrival to the Naval Affairs Committee of the National Assembly, who ordered him to be incarcerated in
115:) he received the same commission (though not rank) at the Admiralty. As such he made a final whaling voyage in 1784 for a Schiedam shipowner. On five voyages under his command the Dutch whalers caught a total of 35 whales.
62:
Lucas was the son of Abraham Lucas and Elizabeth Bogaert. He was born before 5 March 1747, but baptized on that date. On 4 February 1774 he married Catharina Prins. They had two children, among whom their son, also named
484:
back to the Batavian Republic. Elphinstone rejected these proposals, and demanded that the officers would become prisoners of war. He offered verbally to release the officers if they would later give their
437:
The first days were spent taking water aboard from one watering hole, until this ran dry, at which time a different watering hole was taken into use, which, however, lay a larger distance away. The frigate
600:
relates that that court received notice from Lucas' widow on 23 June that her husband had passed away on 21 June. On 26 June the court decided to charge Spoors with writing his report; Spoors, report, pp.
395:
had reached a worrying level also. To call at Saldanha Bay therefore was a foregone conclusion. Also, although one of the secret instructions Lucas now informed the others about was that the
501:
in case the ships were damaged, the council of war decided to surrender unconditionally, as they could not guarantee the latter in view of the mutinous attitude of the crews.
382:, so after a perfunctory consultation of his council of war (in which essential information was withheld from the other captains), the squadron took advantage of the
317:, and would later lead to more frequently than normal instances of "jumping ship" during the voyage, and desertion, even defection, during the stay in Saldanha Bay.
657:
mental stress. In one of the genealogical sources it is asserted that it was a consequence of an accident that occurred during Lucas' sojourn in the Cape Colony.
897:, in: Van der Linde, M. and K.H. Roth (eds.), Beyond Marx. Theorising the Global Labour Relations of the Twenty-First Century (Brill 2013), p. 60 and note 105
171:, where he awaited the other ships. This shows that despite having no experience with the route to the East Indies, Lucas was an accomplished navigator.
505:
members suspected of Patriot sympathies were pursued and assaulted. In some cases Patriot sympathizers banded together to defend their lives with their
378:
was reached on 27 June. Here Lucas could have replenished his water stores, but apparently by this time he already had set his mind on doing this in
223:
476:
51:
190:
to reinforce the other division under Commodore Silvester, who was already lying there, in connection with a punitive expedition for the
630:
347:
712:
689:
451:
who raked them with a few broadsides, causing the soldiers to retreat. The soldiers soon returned, however, and engaged the ship with
320:
The squadron set sail on 23 February 1796, together with another squadron under vice-admiral Adriaan Braak, that was destined for the
470:
Apparently, Lucas intended to lay at anchor, with springs on, and some gun crews ready for action, during the night. But the crew of
17:
186:, where it cruised and showed the flag for about eight months. After its return to Batavia the Dutch Indies government sent it to
576:, and he expresses his feeling that, had Lucas lived and been sentenced, mitigating factors should have been taken into account.
64:
421:
Meanwhile, Lucas had taken several measures that tended to lessen the readiness of the ships, like taking down the sails of
71:
and Minister for the Dutch Navy from 1849 to 1851. His wife was a business woman in Schiedam who earned a good living as a
963:
239:
16:
This article is about Rear-Admiral Engelbertus Lucas (1747–1797). For his son Lieutenant-Admiral Engelbertus Lucas, see
596:
The date of death is often given as 26 June, but this must be a misunderstanding, as Jabob Spoors in his report to the
301:
306:
175:
191:
91:
Lucas from early youth was employed on Dutch merchant ships, but was commissioned as a naval lieutenant by the
159:, however, completing the voyage to the Cape alone. Because of an accident with Silvester's ship of the line
958:
112:
92:
522:
202:, helped prevent a dangerous insurrection, in connection with a succession crisis in the sultanate of
953:
948:
513:
463:
358:, at which time Lucas' promotion to rear-admiral became effective. The squadron then set course for
342:
with a number of transports with 4,000 British troops destined for the Cape aboard; and finally HMS
163:
at the Cape, which necessitated the reorganisation of the expedition, Lucas was again sent alone on
219:
634:
325:
626:
255:. This ship became, end of 1795, part of a squadron, further composed of the ships of the line
178:
on 30 December 1786 the squadron was divided in two divisions, and the division that contained
494:
290:
The reason for fitting out this expedition was that on the one hand the Republic was about to
156:
152:
512:
Most of the NCOs and crew members enlisted in the Royal Navy. Some of those took part in the
462:
As soon as Lucas became aware of the arrival of British ships he ordered his squadron to put
561:
506:
426:
355:
195:
100:
68:
321:
291:
227:
111:
waters by Thomas Pigeaud, a Rotterdam ship owner, from 1777 to 1780. In 1781 (during the
213:
Because of this three-and-a-half-year absence from the Dutch Republic, Lucas missed the
709:
Poincten van deliberatie, bij Directeuren der Nederlandsche Huishoudelijke Maatschappij
557:
406:
314:
245:
214:
183:
96:
552:
of the main defendant remained unresolved. The court therefore decided to entrust the
354:
On 17 May 1796 Lucas finally left Gran Canaria and on 21 May the squadron crossed the
305:
landing anywhere in the Cape, but he should sail straightaway to the French colony of
942:
612:
528:
493:
capt. Claris returned with this answer, and it became known that the British general
490:
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35:
686:
Dagverhaal der handelingen van het Vertegenwoordigend lichaam des Bataafschen volks
379:
359:
331:
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72:
39:
31:
535:(High Naval Court) that had been impaneled by the National Assembly. He wrote a
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43:
498:
383:
363:
133:
47:
402:
396:
203:
148:
124:
108:
518:
452:
371:
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where it arrived on 26 May. On 29 May Lucas set sail for Brazil, but the
27:
625:
This tactic was with success used by a Dutch merchant fleet in the 1655
367:
80:
76:
486:
392:
375:
182:
was sent on 4 February 1787 under captain Anastasius van Halm to the
104:
151:
to take part in the expedition of Commodore Willem Silvester to the
370:
was only crossed on 22 June, due to periodical lack of wind in the
34:
naval officer, who as a rear-admiral, commanding a squadron of the
137:
415:
143:
On 18 December 1785 cdr. Lucas, now in command of the frigate
67:, born in 1785, who would become a lieutenant-admiral in the
38:, was forced to surrender that squadron on 17 August 1796 at
475:
ultimatum from the commander of the opposing fleet, admiral
547:
Lucas' untimely, though long-expected, death presented the
295:
colonies of the VOC to the British as a consequence of the
140:
river estuary, for which he received an award in silver.
99:
in 1772. Despite this navy commission he was employed as
198:. Next Lucas, together with captain Abraham Kuvel of
374:, during which the ships lay becalmed. The coast of
895:
Seamen on Late Eighteenth-Century European Warships
210:returned to the Netherlands in the Spring of 1789.
447:of the British land force arrived and engaged the
222:of 1795. In February 1795 he was appointed by the
527:near The Hague. Here he prepared himself for his
611:letter to the chairman of the Navy Committee,
136:, then a dangerous area of the sea before the
128:(cdr.) Lucas helped save the crew of the ship
560:with an inquest, in which all witnesses were
391:produce the number of sailors suffering from
387:divulge to the council of war at this time).
155:. He only joined Silvester's squadron at the
83:according to a tax dispute, settled in 1801.
8:
118:On 20 August 1781, as master of the frigate
251:was given command of the ship of the line
30: – 21 June 1797 in Schiedam) was a
678:
589:
283:(cdr. Besemer), and the armed VOC ship
224:States General of the Batavian Republic
79:. Her annual income in 1798 was 2,000
455:, which caused appreciable damage to
7:
629:, and would also be used by admiral
263:(cdr. Valkenburg), and the frigates
14:
206:in the latter part of 1788. The
924:Spoors, report, p 115, note 244
688:, Volume 12 (1801), pp. 12 ff.
1:
18:Engelbertus Lucas (1785–1870)
731:de Jonge a., p. 244, 252-255
240:Capitulation of Saldanha Bay
226:in a commission, chaired by
50:squadron under Vice-Admiral
244:Subsequently, Lucas, now a
980:
933:Spoors, report, pp. 98-138
302:capture of the Cape Colony
237:
132:that had foundered on the
15:
915:de Jonge b., pp. 273-275
906:de Jonge b., pp. 270-271
866:de Jonge b., pp. 259-267
857:de Jonge b., pp. 260-261
839:de Jonge b., pp. 254-258
803:de Jonge b., pp. 246-249
794:de Jonge b., pp. 244-245
776:de Jonge b., pp. 241-244
767:de Jonge b., pp. 281-283
758:de Jonge b., pp. 277-278
740:de Jonge b., pp. 219-222
722:de Jonge a., pp. 240-243
497:had threatened to give
234:Saldanha-Bay surrender
113:Fourth Anglo-Dutch War
103:of a fleet of private
93:Admiralty of Rotterdam
812:de Jonge, pp. 251-253
964:People from Schiedam
580:Notes and references
514:Battle of Camperdown
259:(ktz. Rynbende) and
147:(20), left the Maas
26:(c. 5 March 1747 in
875:de Jonge b., p. 269
830:de Jonge b., p. 257
821:de Jonge b., p. 253
785:de Jonge b., p. 244
749:de Jonge b., p. 237
429:". But what he did
220:Batavian Revolution
884:de Jonge b. p. 270
635:Battle of the Nile
598:Hoge Zeekrijgsraad
549:Hoge Zeekrijgsraad
533:Hoge Zeekrijgsraad
271:(cdr. Zoetemans),
107:, sent out to the
52:George Elphinstone
848:de Jong b., p.258
489:. When the Dutch
322:Dutch West Indies
279:(cdr. de Falck),
174:After arrival at
157:Cape of Good Hope
153:Dutch East Indies
24:Engelbertus Lucas
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427:Bosom of Abraham
356:tropic of Cancer
327:Puerto de la Luz
275:(cdr. de Cerf),
247:kapitein ter zee
130:Embdens Welvaren
69:Royal Dutch Navy
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556:(prosecutor),
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524:Huis ten Bosch
346:(with admiral
315:Hellevoetsluis
307:Isle de France
300:instance, the
238:Main article:
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97:Dutch Republic
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58:Personal life
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36:Batavian Navy
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380:Saldanha Bay
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40:Saldanha Bay
23:
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954:1797 deaths
949:1747 births
531:before the
477:Elphinstone
360:Porto Praia
297:Kew Letters
292:nationalise
65:Engelbertus
44:Cape Colony
943:Categories
674:References
574:bona fides
543:Postscript
499:no quarter
384:Westerlies
364:Cape Verde
344:Tremendous
336:La Moselle
134:Maasvlakte
48:Royal Navy
507:side arms
472:Revolutie
453:howitzers
423:Dordrecht
403:Cape Town
398:Tafelbaai
257:Revolutie
253:Dordrecht
149:roadstead
125:Commander
109:Greenland
101:commodore
77:Dutch gin
73:distiller
519:Plymouth
372:doldrums
194:against
184:Moluccas
81:guilders
28:Schiedam
637:in 1798
633:at the
562:deposed
554:fiscaal
464:springs
457:Bellona
449:Bellona
440:Bellona
368:Equator
348:Pringle
340:Jupiter
277:Bellona
215:Patriot
188:Malacca
176:Batavia
161:Holland
105:whalers
95:of the
46:) to a
631:Nelson
495:Craigh
487:parole
393:scurvy
376:Brazil
338:; HMS
273:Sirene
265:Castor
208:Scipio
180:Scipio
169:Ceylon
165:Scipio
145:Scipio
122:, now
87:Career
585:Notes
281:Havik
269:Brave
261:Tromp
249:(ktz)
196:Riouw
32:Dutch
416:Boer
204:Solo
200:Valk
138:Maas
647:272
601:1-2
431:not
401:at
362:on
330:on
192:VOC
167:to
75:of
54:.
945::
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42:(
20:.
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