126:, Howe explains how, well into the 20th century, scholars often thought that Shakespeare would not have sought to convey a serious socio-legal critique in a seemingly frivolous play. Heinze, according to Howe, uncovers a "range of socio-legal dualisms; masterâservant, husbandâwife, nativeâalien, parentâchild, monarchâparliament, buyerâseller. The Comedy, argues, deploys concepts of 'comedy' and 'error' to reflect problematic socio-legal relationships that are based on traditional but changing models of socio-legal domination and subordination." Howe adds that, on Heinze's reading, "it is the viewpoint of the privileged male that is challenged in the play." In
190:
violence and discrimination without having to punish persons who hold provocative views.âCentral to the LSPD modelâ, according to Lesley Abdela, âit can be shown that western democratic states have taken moral and symbolic standsânot always perfectly or without contradictionâ but certainly in more than peripheral, lip-service ways. Measures including non-discrimination laws, pluralist primary education (and bans on individually targeted stalking, harassment, or âfighting wordsâ) convey the stateâs moral and symbolic messages against intolerance or violence.â
268:, defines as "people whose sexual orientation derogates from a dominant heterosexual norm." Susan Sterett draws greater attention to Heinze's view of fluid and contingent sexual identities and orientations. Heinze, according to Sterett, "maps the discourse of sexual orientation onto postmodernist forms of knowledge, which emphasize the fragmentation of the legal subject." Conway Blake and Philip Dayle further explore Heinze's view "that sexual minorities have become pawns in what calls the international 'sensitivity game'. Blake and Dayle continue:
205:. Heinze argues that many traditions throughout history have recognised essential human goods, so if human rights are to play any distinct role, they must do something more than just restate human goods. Scrutinising the concept of a right, Heinze argues that it is only through free speech that human goods can become the objects of human rights, which entails the further conclusion that outside democracy the concept of human rights makes no sense â and simply collapses, at best, into a concept of human goods.
311:
of human goods. Many things are good, such as not being tortured, or having access to enough food, but these goods only manifest as objects of human rights when citizens are sufficiently able to agitate openly and candidly for them, including extensive opportunities to criticize their governments. Otherwise we are left, at best, with nothing but state-monopolized, managerial regimes of human goods, which, Heinze argues, are the arch-opposite of citizen-directed regimes of human rights.
275:
rooted in 'ancient' and 'indigenous' traditions. Heinze also notes the tendency of western states to eagerly demonstrate that they are not imposing a 'first world' agenda on 'traditional' societies. As a consequence, there has been a self-censoring forbearance in challenging southern states, as a kind of deference to indigenous cultural beliefs. In short, Heinze complains that many western states have been willing to tolerate human rights relativity in the context of sexuality.
99:' on the seemingly obvious assumption that 'justice' and 'injustice' are logical opposites. For Heinze, 'injustice', in ancient and modern Western languages, is a sheer etymological happenstance. 'Justice' and 'injustice' do appear as opposites within conventional, already pre-defined contexts, in which certain norms are uncritically assumed. Outside of such assumptions, however, the relationship between the two terms becomes far more complex.
20:
166:, Heinze identifies further problems of coherence within hate speech bans. Barendt writes that the bans, according to Heinze's critique, "are often justified as necessary to prevent discrimination against the targeted racial or other groups. But in fact they themselves discriminate between the groups protected by hate speech laws (
286:
Heinze's criticisms of international law and institutions have also reached beyond the specific issues of free speech and sexuality. In other writing, he examines how inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations become politicised, therefore failing to adhere to their own professed mandates.
189:
Heinze acknowledges that hate speech has led to violence in Rwanda, the German Weimar
Republic, the immediate post-Cold War Yugoslavia, and other weaker democracies. None of these, Heinze notes, were LSPDs. Full-fledged democracies, by contrast, have more legitimate and effective ways of combatting
310:
Heinze argues that the concept of human rights has become so diluted within international law and organizations as to carry little if any meaning. Heinze argues that governments and international organizations have failed to distinguish adequately between the concept of human rights and the concept
302:
Contrary to writers who advocate political compromise and piecemeal approaches, Heinze argues that the criterion of universally even-handed application of norms and standards necessarily inheres within any concept of human rights. He further warns that, insofar as human rights are designed to apply
259:
contends that, according to Heinze, the absence of any specific reference to sexual orientation or identity in earlier international human rights instruments "does not mean that fundamental rights are excluded from protection by these conventions." Simon
Obendorf argues that "homosexual rights are
185:
Heinze reviews ongoing debates about the legality of dangerous, provocative or offensive speech. He concedes that some democracies may be unstable enough to require bans, but one that has crossed a discernible threshold to become what Heinze calls a âlongstanding, stable and prosperous democracyâ
274:
In this game, post-colonial regimes bolster their domestic authority by promoting nationalist campaigns based on ideas about sexuality, which depict minority sexual orientations as manifestations of
Western decadence. Resistance to any programme of tolerance towards homosexuality is said to be
254:
human rights agenda, by the late 20th century, had resulted not merely in the exclusion of sexual orientation, but in a further mystification of it, which in turn was used to justify its continued exclusion. For
Jennifer Wilson, Heinze's view in particular explains "the exclusion of transgender
212:âUnthinkableâ Series, columnist Joe Humphreys summarises Heinzeâs argument as follows: âIf a sufficiently democratic environment does not exist, then the thing you are seeking as a ârightâ is merely a âgoodâ, something desirable which a government may or may not provide.â As of Spring 2022
264:", but questions "Eric Heinze's calls for a treaty-based instrument to codify and enforce principles of non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in international law." Obendorf challenges the concept of "sexual minorities" which Heinze, in his book
186:(LSPD) can only legitimately curtail expression within public discourse on âviewpoint-selectiveâ grounds under independently reviewable criteria of a âstate of exceptionâ constituting a national security emergency.
102:
In order to overcome that recurring error, Heinze proposes a notion of 'post-classical' justice theory, using literary texts as examples. That project continues Heinze's earlier publications in
877:
Conway Blake and Philip Dayle, Beyond cross-cultural sensitivities: international human rights advocacy and sexuality in
Jamaica, in Corinne Lennox & Matthew Waites (eds.) (2013)
861:
Conway Blake and Philip Dayle, Beyond cross-cultural sensitivities: international human rights advocacy and sexuality in
Jamaica, in Corinne Lennox & Matthew Waites (eds.) (2013)
230:
adds: âit is no coincidence either that many authoritarian leaders throughout history have always first focused on that very right before they started to threaten the others too.â
95:, Heinze examines what he calls the 'classical' style of justice theory, running from Plato to Rawls. Classical justice theorists, Heinze argues, depart from notions of '
36:
292:
197:, Heinze argues that internationally recognized human rights have collapsed in part because of institutional failures to distinguish between human
37:
492:
Adrian Howe, A 'Right to
Passions'? Compassion's Sexed Asymmetry and a Minor Comedy of Errors, Law & Critique (2012), vol 23, pp 83-102.
623:
303:
universally to all states, irrespective of political system, they by definition never fully satisfy the requirements of a democratic state.
209:
386:
288:
510:
Adrian Howe, A 'Right to
Passions'? Compassion's Sexed Asymmetry and a Minor Comedy of Errors, Law & Critique (2012), vol 23, p.99
501:
Adrian Howe, A 'Right to
Passions'? Compassion's Sexed Asymmetry and a Minor Comedy of Errors, Law & Critique (2012), vol 23, p.98
1078:
607:
332:
60:
28:
1088:
378:); an Andres Public Interest grant (Harvard Law School); and a C. Clyde Ferguson Human Rights Fellowship (Harvard Law School).
648:
580:
217:
158:
has more effective and more legitimate ways of combating social intolerance, without having to restrict speech within the
389:
in Geneva and the United
Nations Administrative Tribunal in New York. Heinze has advised the human rights organisations
103:
967:
138:, challenging their assumptions of a seemingly logical opposition between the concepts of 'justice' and 'injustice'.
243:
409:
336:
744:
Dag Ăistein Endsjø, Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights and the religious relativism of human rights,
394:
299:
to ensure an entrenched and systemic "sidelining" of attention away from the gravest human rights situations.
256:
990:"Accueil : Français - Mission pour la Science et la Technologie de l'Ambassade de France aux Etats-Unis"
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119:
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80:
146:
In the area of human rights, Heinze has frequently challenged Western European restrictions on
603:
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348:
261:
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64:
109:
835:
Citing Eric Heinze, 'Discourses of Sexuality: Classical, Modernist and Post-Modernist', 67
1045:
239:
115:
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989:
415:
251:
175:
167:
731:
Jennifer Wilson, Horizontal Versus Vertical Compromise in Securing LGBT Civil Rights,
718:
Jennifer Wilson, Horizontal Versus Vertical Compromise in Securing LGBT Civil Rights,
220:(non-fiction published from February - July 2022). Reviewing the book for the Swedish
19:
1067:
356:
227:
159:
72:
374:); a Chateaubriand fellowship (French Ministry of Education); a Sheldon fellowship (
340:
163:
76:
427:
Heinze is the author of several books on legal theory and philosophy, including:
170:) and those left unprotected (other cultural groups, the physically and mentally
35:
1027:
403:
296:
151:
130:, Heinze amplifies those themes. He reviews classical theories of justice, from
44:
941:
397:, and the Media Diversity Institute. He also serves on the Editorial Board of
324:
171:
135:
242:
and human rights. James M. Donovan summarises some of Heinze's criticisms of
155:
114:, the feminist scholar Adrian Howe examines how Heinze has innovated within
96:
975:
407:(journal of the Italian Society of Political Philosophy) (2021 â present),
255:
people from anti-discrimination laws." The Norwegian historian of religion
1058:
904:
Heinze, Eric (2008). "Even-handedness and the Politics of Human Rights".
892:
The United Nations Human Rights Council: A critique and early assessment
879:
Human Rights, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in The Commonwealth
863:
Human Rights, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in The Commonwealth
68:
1003:
848:
Susan Sterett, Husbands & Wives, Dangerousness & Dependence,
822:
Susan Sterett, Husbands & Wives, Dangerousness & Dependence,
287:
According to Rosa Freedman, Heinze explains how state members of the
865:(London: School of Advanced Study, University of London), pp 455-76.
532:
Eric Barendt, Religious Hatred Laws: Protecting Groups or Belief?,
131:
18:
881:(London: School of Advanced Study, University of London), p 465.
519:
Kay Goodall, Human Rights Pitted Against Man (II) - A Response,
246:. Donovan notes that, in Heinze's view, "the failure to include
624:"Why free speech should be the most highly valued human right"
796:
Simon Obendorf, Homosexual Rights and the Non-Western World,
783:
Simon Obendorf, Homosexual Rights and the Non-Western World,
770:
Simon Obendorf, Homosexual Rights and the Non-Western World,
757:
Simon Obendorf, Homosexual Rights and the Non-Western World,
673:"Yttrandefriheten - den mänskligaste rättigheten? | Dixikon"
927:. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 88â99, 129â137.
434:(Kluwer 1995) (Russian translation, Idea Press Moscow 2004)
873:
871:
438:
Of Innocence and Autonomy: Children, Sex and Human Rights
59:
is Professor of Law and Humanities at the School of Law
1059:
Queen Mary, University of London: Professional Web-page
370:; an Obermann Fellowship (Center for Advanced Studies,
649:"The Most Human Right: Why Free Speech Is Everything"
565:. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 111â116.
600:
The Most Human Right: Why Free Speech is Everything
474:
The Most Human Right: Why Free Speech is Everything
195:
The Most Human Right: Why Free Speech Is Everything
581:"Democracies, free Speech and the right to offend"
550:. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 69â78.
968:"Overview | Obermann Center for Advanced Studies"
705:James M Donovan, Baby Steps or One Fell Swoop?,
692:James M Donovan, Baby Steps or One Fell Swoop?,
936:
934:
366:Heinze's other awards include grants from the
8:
216:has been nominated for âThe Next Big Ideaâ,
63:. He has made contributions in the areas of
1028:"The International Journal of Human Rights"
226:site the international human rights expert
399:The International Journal of Human Rights,
168:racial, ethnic, religious groups and gays
602:. Boston, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.
485:
440:(editor, Ashgate 2000 / Routledge 2017)
238:Heinze has also written on problems of
946:School of Law at Queen Mary University
925:Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship
563:Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship
548:Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship
468:Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship
404:Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica
401:and serves on the Advisory Boards for
282:Politics of International Human Rights
183:Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship
162:. According to the free speech expert
521:International Journal of Human Rights
7:
574:
572:
410:Heliopolis: Culture CiviltĂ Politica
154:" bans. Heinze argues that a modern
837:Nordic Journal of International Law
813:, Dordrecht: Nijhoff (1995), p 295.
387:International Commission of Jurists
289:United Nations Human Rights Council
894:(London: Routledge, 2013), p. 141.
733:Texas Journal of Women and the Law
720:Texas Journal of Women and the Law
456:The Logic of Constitutional Rights
291:, as well as its predecessor, the
14:
811:Sexual Orientation: A Human Right
446:(Routledge 2003 / Routledge 2017)
432:Sexual Orientation: A Human Right
266:Sexual Orientation: A Human Right
118:to offer alternative readings of
79:. He has also contributed to the
416:University of Bologna Law Review
385:, Heinze completed work for the
61:Queen Mary, University of London
33:
458:(Ashgate 2005 / Routledge 2017)
452:(Ashgate 2003 / Routledge 2017)
260:indeed worthy of protection at
108:. In an article in the journal
826:, vol 75 (1998), pp 1181-1213.
748:, vol 6:2, (2005), pp. 102-10.
579:Abdela, Lesley (22 May 2016).
470:(Oxford University Press 2016)
381:Before his appointment at the
1:
707:California Western Law Review
694:California Western Law Review
906:Harvard Human Rights Journal
850:Denver University Law Review
824:Denver University Law Review
150:, as embodied in so-called "
1034:. Vol. 20, no. 7.
1004:"Media Diversity Institute"
444:The Logic of Liberal Rights
244:international organisations
47:and democratic conversation
1105:
293:UN Human Rights Commission
1079:Harvard Law School alumni
798:Third World Legal Studies
785:Third World Legal Studies
772:Third World Legal Studies
759:Third World Legal Studies
696:, vol 38 (2001), pp 1-62.
536:(2011), vol 17, pp 41-53.
852:, vol 75 (1998), pp 1189
675:(in Swedish). 2022-06-17
523:, 14(7), 2010, 1165-1184
462:The Concept of Injustice
337:Freie Universität Berlin
128:The Concept of Injustice
122:. Citing the example of
93:The Concept of Injustice
1008:www.media-diversity.org
331:, Heinze enrolled as a
208:Writing in his regular
1089:Human rights activists
774:, 1998-99, pp 180-181.
761:, 1998-99, pp 179-204.
413:(2020 â present), and
53:
1044:See Douglas Grob, at
923:Heinze, Eric (2016).
709:, vol 38 (2001), p31.
598:Heinze, Eric (2022).
561:Heinze, Eric (2016).
546:Heinze, Eric (2016).
476:(The MIT Press, 2022)
450:The Logic of Equality
391:Amnesty International
353:University of Utrecht
22:
1032:Taylor & Francis
839:(1998), pp. 37 â 76.
722:, vol 18, pp 125-44.
383:University of London
361:University of Leiden
349:Fulbright fellowship
319:After receiving his
308:The Most Human Right
214:The Most Human Right
124:The Comedy of Errors
105:Law & Literature
746:Human Rights Review
368:Nuffield Foundation
347:, and, following a
329:UniversitĂŠ de Paris
120:William Shakespeare
972:obermann.uiowa.edu
800:, 1998-99, pp 199.
653:Next Big Idea Club
376:Harvard Law School
372:University of Iowa
345:Harvard Law School
257:Dag Ăistein Endsjø
248:sexual orientation
111:Law & Critique
81:law and literature
54:
339:. He received a
262:international law
148:freedom of speech
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16:Legal philosopher
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297:bloc voting
250:within the
210:Irish Times
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142:Free speech
57:Eric Heinze
45:free speech
1068:Categories
1013:2016-02-18
679:2022-08-02
658:2022-08-02
633:2022-08-02
481:References
201:and human
83:movement.
327:from the
240:sexuality
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