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Locarno treaties was to make it impossible for France to occupy the Ruhr as had happened in 1923. From the Polish perspective, the
Locarno treaties were a diplomatic disaster, as Britain and Italy refused to make the same guarantees for Germany's eastern border while theoretically both Britain and Italy would declare war on France if the French should move French Army troops into Germany beyond the Rhineland. Under the terms of the Franco-Polish defensive alliance of 1921, France was supposed to start an offensive from the Rhineland occupation zone into the north German plain if Germany should invade Poland, but the Locarno treaties had effectively gutted the provisions of the Franco-Polish alliance. The British Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain had pushed for the Locarno treaties as a way for Germany to peacefully revise the Treaty of Versailles in eastern Europe. Chamberlain believed that as long as the Poles had a great power like France as their ally, they would never hand over the areas that Germany was claiming such as the Polish Corridor and Upper Silesia, but if Franco-German relations improved, then that would weaken the Franco-Polish alliance and force the Poles to yield to the
40:
545:, declassified documents it said were gathered by undercover agents between 1935 and 1945 allegedly showing that Poland secretly conspired with Germany against the Soviet Union. The SVR claimed that Poland had pursued an anti-Soviet foreign policy from the mid-1930s. The documents were compiled by a former senior KGB officer who cited a report from an unidentified Soviet agent purporting that in 1934, Poland and Germany had agreed a secret protocol whereby Poland would remain neutral if Germany attacked the Soviet Union. In response, Polish historians said that there was no evidence that this protocol existed. Mariusz Wolos, an academic at the
300:. However, by the next month the Polish ambassador in Berlin had already asked Hitler whether the loss of security caused to Poland by Germany's exit from the talks might be compensated by "...direct German-Polish relations...". Hitler responded to this by stating that he saw Poland as "an outpost against Asia", and proposed a declaration excluding the possibility of war between the two countries. The German side proposed a draft declaration to this effect that was accepted in principle by the Polish government, and after a month the talks on the text of the agreement were quickly concluded in January 1934.
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the view that questions Poland's right to exist...", and then on 17 May saying in a speech to the
Reichstag that he did not believe that it was possible to "...make Germans out of Poles...". This was followed by a lessening of tensions around Danzig in July 1933, with Piłsudski instructing Beck to explore options for further talks. In September of the same year talks were held between Beck on the Polish side, and Neurath and Goebbels on the German side, as part of the general conclave on disarmament in Geneva.
224:
placed the French in a strong position to launch an offensive to the Ruhr and launch an offensive into the North German Plain. In 1928, Briand accepted the offer by German
Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann that France would end the occupation of the Rhineland five years early with the French to pull out of the Rhineland by June 1930 instead of June 1935 as the Treaty of Versailles had called for. Briand's plans for an early end of the Rhineland occupation in exchange for better relations with the
229:
In turn, if the
Germans constructed defensive works along the Franco-German border, that in turn would allow Germany to focus its might entirely against Poland. Besides for opposing the plans for an early end of the Rhineland occupation, Piłsudski wanted France to strengthen its alliance with Poland, and was much offended when Briand rejected his plans as he preferred better relations with Berlin over Warsaw.
264:" has been disputed by historians, who point out that there is no evidence in French or Polish diplomatic archives that such a proposal was ever advanced. Under the terms of the Treaty of Locarno, if France invaded Germany, both Italy and Britain would have declared war on France. Historians noted that when in late October 1933, rumours of a Polish "preventive-war" proposal were reported in
396:. Beneš, speaking to Joseph Addison (the British ambassador in Prague), claimed that the agreement was a "stab in the back" and went on to say that it showed that Poland was a "useless country" that deserved another partition. At the time Beneš was particularly angered by reports in the Polish government-controlled and right-wing press accusing the Czechs of mistreating Poles in the
404:
this had not been kept up during the later part of the talks, though the French were given a detailed explanation of the agreement and its motives by the Polish government soon after it being signed. French public opinion about the agreement was negative. French critics of the deal believed it indicated that Poland might be an unreliable ally.
244:. The construction of the Maginot Line, which began in 1929, indicated the French Army's preference for a strictly-defensive stance, which would leave its eastern allies on their own. From Piłsudski's viewpoint, in the light of France's military plans, a non-aggression agreement with Germany would be the best choice for Poland.
462:. Colonel Beck communicated the Polish government's unofficial refusal of the offer in a meeting with Hitler and Ribbentrop at Berchtesgarten on 4 January 1939, and the offer was rejected in a meeting of the Polish cabinet on 8 January 1939, though the formal and final rejection was not communicated to Germany until 25 March.
422:, which had been first signed on 25 July 1932. It was extended until 31 December 1945 despite Hitler's repeated suggestion to form a German-Polish alliance against the Soviets. A report on the declaration by the Soviet ambassador in Warsaw, Vladimir Osvieyenko, pointed out that the agreement contained no secret terms.
292:
began between Poland and
Germany in early 1933. On the Polish side this was promoted by Beck making what Moltke interpreted as "a veiled proposal for direct contact with Germany" in April 1933. Hitler for his part encouraged this by stating on 2 May 1933 by saying to Wysocki that he did not "...share
403:
The conclusion of the declaration led to accusations from France that the French government had not been kept fully advised of the progress of negotiations between Poland and
Germany. The French government had been kept informed of progress during the preliminary phase of the talks in late 1933, but
228:
were vehemently opposed by Polish diplomats, who wanted the French to stay in the
Rhineland until 1935. The Poles did not expect the Germans to abide by the Treaty of Versailles, and it was believed that with the end of the French occupation that the Rhineland would remilitarized in the near-future.
194:
that was signed on 26 January 1934 in Berlin. Both countries pledged to resolve their problems by bilateral negotiations and to forgo armed conflict for a period of 10 years. The agreement effectively normalised relations between Poland and
Germany, which had been strained by border disputes arising
220:, such as the eastern borders Versailles had imposed on Germany, in exchange for German acceptance of the other aspects of the Versailles settlement of which the British approved. The way that the French largely yielded to British demands at the Locarno conference was seen as a betrayal in Poland.
527:
wrote in 1975 that the agreement, together with the Polish-Soviet non-aggression pact, formed a "policy of equilibrium" whereby Poland's leadership sought to preserve Poland's independence by balancing Poland's relations with
Germany and the Soviet Union and thus avoid coming under the control of
371:
For
Germany, the agreement was the first major Concordat reached during the Nazi era, and gave Adolf Hitler an agreement that he could present domestically as a diplomatic success, and internationally as a sign of his pacific intent. According to Weinberg, it also helped signal a weakening in the
326:
The German Government and the Polish Government consider that the time has come to introduce a new phase in the political relations between Germany and Poland by a direct understanding between State and State. They have, therefore, decided to lay down the principles for the future development of
532:
writing in 1986 criticised the view of AJP Taylor as giving insufficient weight to the assurances the declaration gave regarding Poland's alliance with France, and not taking into account that both Beck and Piłsudski were aware that the agreement would not hold for long. Wandycz also noted that
223:
The French Foreign Minister Aristide Briand carried out a foreign policy aimed at a rapprochement with Germany, which caused much alarm in Warsaw. As long as the Rhineland was occupied by the French Army, it served as a form of "collateral" if Germany should violate the Treaty of Versailles and
313:
The German foreign ministry insisted that the agreement be called a "declaration" rather than a "pact" as "pact" was seen as implying that there was no conflict of interest between the parties. Additionally, the Germans believed that the term "pact" might imply recognition of the German-Polish
211:
In 1925, under the Locarno treaties, it was agreed that France would never send forces into Germany outside of its own occupation zone in the Rhineland and that both Britain and Italy would guarantee the Franco-German border against any attempt to change it from either side. The purpose of the
417:
questioning whether the agreement represented a concession by Germany or was simply a German manoeuvre, and expressing the belief that the agreement was merely temporary. To allay any fears of a war against the Soviet Union, on 5 May 1934, Poland renewed the
339:
Under the declaration, Poland and Germany agreed to normalise relations. Until the declaration Germany had withheld normalisation without first settling the question of the German-Polish border. Instead the issue of the border, and particularly of the
407:
The signing of the treaty came as a surprise to the US government despite the US administration's previous advocacy of a Polish-German agreement. Some sections of US public opinion also saw the agreement as signalling Polish support for Germany.
276:, but Poland and Germany had already been secretly negotiating. It has been argued that Piłsudski had the Polish embassy start rumours about a "preventive war" to pressure the Germans, who were demanding for Poland to abrogate its 1921
344:
was put to one side and both sides agreed not to use force to settle their dispute. The agreement also included clauses guarding Poland's relations with France under the Franco-Polish alliance, and under their membership of the
255:
had come to power, in January 1933. Some historians speculate that Piłsudski may have sounded out France on the possibility of joint military action against Germany, which had been openly rearming in violation of the
473:. The signing of the Anglo-Polish agreement prompted Hitler to seek a rapprochement with Moscow, an offer that was positively received by the Soviet Union. After another few months of rising tension and the
564:
stated in an interview with the BBC that "The accusation that the Poles were collaborating is nonsense," and that the declaration was essentially diplomatic outreach by Poland to a threatening neighbour.
469:
while Germany renewed its territorial claims in Poland. A note to Poland from the German government on 28 April 1939 expressed the view that their denunciation was justified by the signing of the
656:
260:. France's refusal might have been one of the reasons that Poland signed the declaration. However, the argument that the declaration had been forced on Piłsudski by French refusal to wage a "
297:
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1959:
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made reference to the conspiracy theory that Poland had "collaborated with Hitler" by signing the declaration. Historian and professor emerita at the London School of Economics
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the agreement angered the Czechoslovak political elite. Announcement of the declaration came just four days after discussions between Jozef Beck and the Czech foreign minister,
39:
1984:
510:, writing in 1945, stated that the 1934 declaration “marked the beginning of German-Polish active cooperation in an aggressive policy in Eastern Europe.” Similarly
1974:
582:
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Taylor had not had the advantage of seeing later-published material in which Piłsudski had expressed his view on the declaration to close associates.
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The Twilight of French Eastern Alliances. 1926–1936. French-Czechoslovak-Polish relations from Locarno to the remilitarization of the Rheinland
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of Germany's power. From the early 1920s onward, British foreign policy aimed to revise aspects of the Treaty of Versailles in favor of the
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1969:
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614:"The Significance of the Declaration of Non-Aggression of January 26, 1934, in Polish-German and International Relations: A Reappraisal"
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considered that the declaration had removed the possibility of Polish support for France, thus freeing Hitler to take further actions.
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The British government was generally pleased by the German-Polish declaration. They believed this removed a dangerous threat to peace.
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either, and pointed to Pilsudski's refusal on multiple occasions to ally with Germany against the Soviet Union as evidence of this.
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stated that "Nothing similar has ever turned up in archives in Germany. Just because some agent wrote it doesn't mean it's true".
1513:
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On 1 September 2009, on the 70th anniversary of the beginning of the Second World War, Russia's foreign intelligence agency, the
368:. Poland was also able to extract a promise by Germany to accept a quota of Polish coal during the negotiation of the agreement.
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Anna M. Cienciala, "The Foreign Policy of Józef Piłsudski and Józef Beck, 1926–1939: Misconceptions and Interpretations,"
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268:, their source was the Polish embassy, which had informed French reporters that Poland had proposed a "preventive war" to
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sealed the fate of Czechoslovakia, and Poland became Hitler's next target. In October 1938, German Foreign Minister
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INSTYTUT PAMIĘCI NARODOWEJHUBERT KUBERSKI: POLSKO-NIEMIECKA DEKLARACJA O NIESTOSOWANIU PRZEMOCY - HISTORIA Z IPN -
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It has been said that Piłsudski's reason for seeking the declaration with Germany was his concern over France's
1949:
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1954:
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French-led alliances surrounding Germany, particularly through the secrecy in which it had been negotiated.
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An additional benefit Poland received from the declaration was that it enabled the Polish foreign minister,
191:
131:
110:
1871:, "The Foreign Policy of Józef Piłsudski and Józef Beck, 1926-1939: Misconceptions and Interpretations,"
1748:
The Origins of the Second World War reconsidered : the A.J.P. Taylor debate after twenty-five years
625:
45:
1886:
The Munich crisis of 1938: Plans and Strategy in Warsaw in the context of Wester appeasement of Germany
458:, with Germany accepting Poland's postwar borders. Ribbentrop's offer also required Poland to join the
248:
49:
1833:
1020:"The Foreign Policy of Józef Piłsudski and Józef Beck, 1926–1939: Misconceptions and Interpretations"
506:
The historical significance of the agreement has been a matter of controversy. The British historian
481:, which contained a secret protocol by which Hitler and Stalin agreed to divide Poland between them,
257:
196:
1860:
Wandycz, Piotr (2011). "Poland and the Origins of the Second World War". In Frank McDonough (ed.).
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The German-Polish rapprochement was temporarily interrupted by the German withdrawal from the
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presented Poland with the proposition of renewing the agreement in exchange for allowing the
1522:
529:
465:
Hitler denounced the declaration unilaterally on 28 April 1939 during an address before the
451:
430:
1884:
Cienciala, Anna (1999). "The Munich Crisis, 1938". In Igor Lukes and Erik Goldstein (ed.).
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455:
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regarding the city, which was then governed by the League of Nations high commissioner,
251:'s foreign policies was his rumoured proposal to France to declare war on Germany after
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border. Despite this the agreement is still referred to as a "pact" in some documents.
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Similarly the signing of the agreement caused concern in the USSR, with commentary in
1943:
1542:
353:
57:
1390:"The Remilitarization of the Rhineland and Its Impact on the French-Polish Alliance"
1931:
1805:
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Czechoslovakia Between Stalin and Hitler The Diplomacy of Edvard Benes in the 1930s
486:
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356:, to have a line of direct communication with Berlin regarding developments in the
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Later historians have been less critical of the agreement. The American historian
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The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered A.J.P. Taylor And The Historians
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613:
397:
172:
Erklärung zwischen Deutschland und Polen über den Verzicht auf Gewaltanwendung
1902:
1509:"Choosing Not to Choose in 1939: Poland's Assessment of the Nazi-Soviet Pact"
1893:
Schuker, Stephan (1999). "The End of Versailles". In Gordon Martel (ed.).
1066:"Polish Foreign Policy, 1926–1939. "Equilibrium": Stereotype and Reality"
413:
1878:
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Manipulating the Ether: The Power of Broadcast Radio in Thirties America
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German policy changed drastically in late 1938, after the annexation of
1780:"Fury as Russia presents 'evidence' Poland sided with Nazis before war"
583:"Hubert Kuberski: Polsko-niemiecka deklaracja o niestosowaniu przemocy"
273:
236:. Until 1929, French plans had called for a French offensive into the
955:
360:. This allowed Beck to avoid having to communicate directly with the
269:
61:
1806:"Tucker Carlson interview: Fact-checking Putin's 'nonsense' history"
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1104:"The Polish Plan for a "Preventative War" against Germany in 1933"
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region and perceived Polish encouragement of Slovak nationalists.
265:
1680:"Józef Piłsudski's policy of maintaining the European status quo"
1357:
The Triumph of the Dark: European International History 1933–1939
958:", Nr 1148 (28 November 2004), Polish, retrieved on 24 March 2005
607:
605:
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847:] (in Polish). Vol. 1. Warsaw: Alfa. pp. 539–540.
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German and Soviet officers shaking hands following the invasion
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Alliance against Hitler; the origins of the Franco-Soviet pact
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Alliance against Hitler; the origins of the Franco-Soviet pact
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the Soviets invading Poland shortly after on 17 September 1939
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280:. The declaration would specifically exclude that alliance.
199:. The declaration marked an end to an economically damaging
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Deklaracja między Polską a Niemcami o niestosowaniu przemocy
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Hitler's Foreign Policy, 1933–1939 The Road to World War II
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Hitler's Foreign Policy, 1933–1939 The Road to World War II
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Hitler's Foreign Policy, 1933–1939 The Road to World War II
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on 15 June 1934, five months after issuing the declaration.
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768:. Nelles Guide: Explore the world. Hunter. p. 25.
1903:"Text of German-Polish Agreement of January 26, 1934"
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to be annexed by Germany and the construction of an
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240:, in conjunction with offensives from Poland and
1323:The Munich Crisis, 1938: Prelude to World War II
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203:that had taken place over the previous decade.
334:English translation of opening of declaration
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1245:
1138:
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812:Bitter Glory: Poland and Its Fate, 1918-1939
32:
1360:. Oxford University Press. pp. 65–66.
327:these relations in the present declaration.
164:German–Polish declaration of non-aggression
33:German–Polish declaration of non-aggression
1708:Eastern Europe Between the Wars, 1918–1941
1502:
1500:
1498:
1179:"Could This Irishman Have Stopped Hitler?"
31:
999:. Duke University Press. pp. 156–157
672:
1566:"The Origins of This War: a German View"
1292:. Oxford University Press. p. 136.
298:Geneva disarmament talks in October 1933
1750:. Allen & Unwin. pp. 191–192.
974:. Duke University Press. pp. 88–89
930:
845:Józef Piłsudski: Dreamer and Strategist
749:
732:
720:
703:
691:
573:
195:from the territorial settlement in the
1985:Treaties of the Second Polish Republic
1864:. London: Continuum. pp. 374–393.
1563:von Wegener, Alfred (September 2017).
1466:"The Soviet Union, Germany And Poland"
795:. Transaction Publishers. p. 27.
1711:. The University Press. p. 388.
1320:Goldstein, Erik; Lukes, Igor (2012).
201:customs war between the two countries
7:
1960:Germany–Poland relations (1918–1939)
1102:Jędrzejewicz, Wacław (Winter 1966).
841:Józef Piłsudski: Marzyciel i strateg
815:. Hippocrene Books. pp. 321–2.
485:on 1 September 1939 which initiated
1975:Treaties entered into force in 1934
1862:The Origins of the Second World War
1656:First To Fight: The Polish War 1939
612:Cienciala, Anna M. (1 March 1967).
517:The Origins of the Second World War
1778:Harding, Luke (1 September 2009).
25:
454:motorway and railway through the
420:Soviet–Polish Non-Aggression Pact
184:German–Polish non-aggression pact
18:German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact
1932:text about Polish foreign policy
1658:. The Bodley Head. p. 163.
1514:The International History Review
1428:"The Second Republic, 1921–1939"
1177:McNamara, Paul (May–June 2009).
1149:. Enigma Books. pp. 59–60.
899:Smogorzewski, Kazimierz Maciej.
137:
125:
104:
92:
38:
1507:Kornat, Marek (December 2009).
1388:Bicki, Roman D. (Autumn 1969).
871:Origins of the Second World War
1744:"Poland between East and West"
1622:Bulletin of International News
27:1934 international declaration
1:
1877:(2011) 56#1 pp. 111–151
1804:Vock, Ido (9 February 2024).
1527:10.1080/07075332.2009.9641172
1258:. Enigma Books. p. 142.
1252:Weinberg, Gerhard L. (2010).
1215:Weinberg, Gerhard L. (2010).
1143:Weinberg, Gerhard L. (2010).
993:Evans, William Scott (1962).
968:Evans, William Scott (1962).
52:, German Propaganda Minister
1221:. Enigma Books. p. 58.
56:and Polish Foreign Minister
1746:. In Martel, Gordon (ed.).
1705:Seton-Watson, Hugh (1945).
1684:The Warsaw Institute Review
1618:"The German Note to Poland"
1189:(3). Wordwell Ltd.: 34–35.
1064:Cienciała, Anna M. (1975).
1018:Cienciala, Anna M. (2011).
876:Manchester University Press
789:Quester, George H. (2000).
552:In his 2024 interview with
537:Russian conspiracy theories
186:, was an agreement between
2001:
1970:Treaties concluded in 1934
1842:Princeton University Press
1742:Wandycz, Piotr S. (1986).
1596:. McFarland. p. 173.
1426:Wandycz, Piotr S. (2009).
809:Watt, Richard M. (1998) .
547:Polish Academy of Sciences
1654:Moorhouse, Roger (2019).
1590:Brown, Robert J. (2004).
1326:. Routledge. p. 54.
868:Rothwell, Victor (2001).
514:writing in his 1961 book
318:Effect of the declaration
247:One of the most noted of
37:
1980:Treaties of Nazi Germany
1965:Interwar-period treaties
1907:The British War Bluebook
1051:The British War Bluebook
951:Ostatnia wojna marszałka
655:(2011) 56#1 pp. 111–151
477:between Germany and the
906:Encyclopædia Britannica
762:Torbus, Tomasz (1999).
618:East European Quarterly
475:Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
381:International reactions
1464:Kulski, W. W. (1978).
1354:Steiner, Zara (2011).
483:Germany invaded Poland
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278:Franco-Polish alliance
192:Second Polish Republic
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111:Konstantin von Neurath
1888:. London: Frank Cass.
471:Anglo-Polish alliance
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182:), also known as the
46:Hans-Adolf von Moltke
1897:. London: Routledge.
1834:Wandycz, Piotr Stean
1286:Lukes, Igor (1996).
258:Treaty of Versailles
197:Treaty of Versailles
946:Dariusz Baliszewski
837:Urbankowski, Bohdan
562:Anita J. Prazmowska
460:Anti-Comintern Pact
448:Free City of Danzig
426:German denunciation
358:Free City of Danzig
34:
1924:Text of the treaty
1628:(9): 13–15. 1939.
1091:– via JSTOR.
933:, p. 381-382.
735:, p. 379-380.
706:, p. 378-379.
581:Kuberski, Hubert.
444:Joachim Ribbentrop
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238:North German Plain
44:German Ambassador
1874:The Polish Review
1869:Anna M. Cienciala
1686:. 31 October 2019
1470:The Polish Review
1432:The Polish Review
1394:The Polish Review
1108:The Polish Review
1070:The Polish Review
1027:The Polish Review
901:"Józef Piłsudski"
854:978-83-7001-914-3
694:, pp. 48–49.
652:The Polish Review
508:Hugh Seton-Watson
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1909:– via
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1813:. Retrieved
1809:
1799:
1787:. Retrieved
1784:The Guardian
1783:
1773:
1761:. Retrieved
1747:
1722:. Retrieved
1707:
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1688:. Retrieved
1683:
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1637:. Retrieved
1625:
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1579:(July 1940).
1576:
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1518:
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1186:
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1160:. Retrieved
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1111:
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1085:. Retrieved
1076:(1): 48–49.
1073:
1069:
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1035:. Retrieved
1030:
1026:
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1001:. Retrieved
995:
988:
976:. Retrieved
970:
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954:, Tygodnik "
950:
938:
931:Wandycz 2011
911:. Retrieved
904:
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831:
811:
791:
784:
764:
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750:Wandycz 2011
733:Wandycz 2011
728:
721:Wandycz 2011
704:Wandycz 2011
699:
692:Schuker 1999
650:
645:
633:. Retrieved
621:
617:
590:. Retrieved
586:
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551:
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522:
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505:
487:World War II
479:Soviet Union
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394:Edvard Beneš
387:
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284:Negotiations
253:Adolf Hitler
246:
234:Maginot Line
231:
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217:
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210:
188:Nazi Germany
183:
163:
161:
99:Józef Lipski
29:
1927:(in Polish)
1815:11 February
1763:12 December
1639:15 February
1548:15 February
1487:15 February
1449:15 February
1411:15 February
1271:16 February
1234:16 February
1200:14 February
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1125:14 February
1087:14 February
1037:13 February
1003:12 December
978:12 December
943:(in Polish)
635:13 February
440:Sudetenland
366:Seán Lester
86:Signatories
60:meeting in
1944:Categories
1935:(in Czech)
1757:0049400843
1438:(2): 168.
1033:(1–2): 115
630:1297351025
569:References
512:AJP Taylor
398:Trans-Olza
354:Józef Beck
207:Background
58:Józef Beck
1836:(2001) .
1543:155068339
1476:(1): 54.
1400:(4): 48.
1114:(1): 90.
467:Reichstag
376:Aftermath
153:Languages
1879:in JSTOR
1810:BBC News
1634:25642470
1535:40647041
1482:25777543
1444:25779809
1406:25776873
1195:27726010
1120:25776646
1082:27920631
839:(1997).
807:Citing:
626:ProQuest
592:16 March
414:Izvestia
190:and the
78:Location
1827:Sources
1789:2 March
1724:4 March
1690:4 March
1373:2 March
1339:2 March
1305:2 March
913:3 March
489:, with
290:detente
274:Belgium
145:Germany
119:Parties
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908:Online
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765:Poland
657:online
628:
497:Legacy
309:Naming
270:France
176:Polish
168:German
142:
132:Poland
70:Signed
62:Warsaw
1630:JSTOR
1539:S2CID
1531:JSTOR
1478:JSTOR
1440:JSTOR
1402:JSTOR
1191:JSTOR
1116:JSTOR
1078:JSTOR
1023:(PDF)
843:[
624:(1).
266:Paris
226:Reich
218:Reich
1846:ISBN
1817:2024
1791:2021
1765:2022
1752:ISBN
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1713:ISBN
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915:2018
880:ISBN
849:ISBN
817:ISBN
797:ISBN
770:ISBN
637:2021
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272:and
162:The
1523:doi
1031:LVI
543:SVR
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