1066:, unilaterally passed and amended labor laws without the presence of the opposition party in the middle of the night, in a six-minute session. In essence, the amended laws made it significantly easier for the employers to lay off the workers at will. The amended laws did not allow federal unions at either the local or the national level. This made the 500,000 member KCTU illegal. It was not legally recognized until 2002. These provisions prompted the KCTU to successfully mobilize 150,000 Korean workers and FKTU leaders, who previously displayed a pro-government propensity, to strike together.
1151:. It was a concerted effort on all three parties to equally "share" the pain and suffering associated with the economic crisis. As a part of the "share" of the union, KCTU leadership conceded the redundancy layoffs in the case of emergency affecting the companies, something that the union members had consistently rejected. And consequently, the union members of the KCTU voted out the leadership who they deemed were responsible for the grave mistake and elected a hard liner, Lee Kap-Yong as their new president.
1131:
disappointing. Whether it was imposed by the IMF or by the government, the bailout requirements gave significant discretion to the chaebol with respect to laying off the workers. Moreover, those upper and mid-level workers who had failed to unionise in fear of losing their jobs, were caught completely off guard. The economic crisis also compelled the government to enact laws without seeking the input from the unions, exacerbating the ongoing conflicts. As a result of the mandated restructure by the
25:
1127:
a nationwide signature campaign for the guarantee of jobs for workers and sought to punish the people responsible for the devastating economic crisis. Moreover, they organized approximately 30,000 people at a rally and demanded political reforms and sought protection from the impending arbitrary layoffs, hence the
General Strike of 1997. The General Strike was supported by the blue collar and white collar workers, including the financial sector and clerical workers.
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1204:: "The government of South Korea and its anti-union behaviour is again in the spotlight of the international community. Its actions run contrary to its obligations to the ILO and also the labour standards in trade agreements with the US and the EU. Further, the government is failing to fulfill its original commitment to the OECD, upon accession, to respect international labour standards."
1233:
1017:, which dominated and monopolized the industries in South Korea and expanded incessantly with government help. As a result, the labor movement became very fragmented. It continued to operate through localized unions, such as the miners, textile workers, anti-government activists, and various Catholic groups.
1166:
One of the more important dynamics of labor has been left in obscurity thus far, the treatment of the female workforce in Korea. In this respect, all trade unions including, KCTU were criticized in unison for their lack of interest of the female workers. Their failure to address the concerns of harsh
1178:
From an illegal entity, they were invited by their government to be a "partner" in the national decision-making process. Stated differently, they were recognized as a formidable force that could no longer be ignored. The culmination of their status came during the presidential election of 1997, when
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and subsequent military generals who ruled for the next thirty years, all suppressed the unions and deliberately dishonored the constitution of the country, for the sake of the "progress" of the nation. However, with the inception of KCTU in 1995, South Korea and its people began to see a glimpse of
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The IMF demanded stringent requirements. In addition to restructuring its financial and corporate sectors, Korea was to "liberalize" its markets - it needed to open up its markets in such a way that would benefit the foreign investors. In an effort to secure the jobs of the workers, KCTU implemented
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and the government's effort to curtail the economic turmoil, the exchange rate and the stock market went into a free-fall. Korea was in danger of defaulting on its foreign debt obligations. On
December 3, 1997, the International Monetary Fund decided to give its largest ever bailout package to South
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had emerged as a leading social force in South Korea. The KCTU obtained their long-sought recognition by the government. Furthermore, they were granted the right to form multiple unions at the industry level (although they were prevented from forming unions amongst the teachers and public servants).
1045:
However, many trade unions felt the need to consolidate and overcome the fractured nature of the trade unions at the national level. As a result, they formed a national organization, the Korean
Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) in 1995. Subsequently, their membership increased from 861 unions and
1186:
Despite their achievements, they had their share of deficiencies that included internal fragmentation, decline in their memberships, and the neglect of female workforce in Korea. Therefore, although KCTU had elevated the political and social status of organized labor, ironically, they were impelled
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The results of the
January strike varied. Ostensibly, the strike was of historic significance - it was extremely well managed and organized on a national level, and achieved lasting legal reform. It was successful in both political and economic terms. But more importantly, for the first time, labor
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The foreign union representatives held joint news conferences with Korean unions, closely observed the strikes, and held various demonstrations outside Korean diplomatic missions abroad. Despite the overwhelming rebuke from the international community, the South Korean government chose to adhere to
1130:
The strike was also supported by the general population, and despite the state control of the media, the
Internet acted as a conduit in providing real time information to the outside world, for the first time. Despite the efforts of the KCTU in organizing the General Strike, the results were very
1084:
President Kim Young Sam, recognizing the growing popular support for the KCTU, decided to revise the laws and to meet with opposition leaders. In March 1997, parliament passed a more diluted version of the labor laws and the
President's chief economic adviser, who was the proponent of the earlier
1097:
Conversely, many people believed that the revised law was very deficient in its substance. For example, the employers still retained their right to lay off workers at their discretion, after only a two-year deferment. The "no work, no pay" rule and no payment to full-time union leaders was still
1143:
Within three years of its existence, KCTU managed significant achievements, including legally recognized by the government and gained substantial national prominence. With more than half a million members and its ability to mobilize tens of thousands of workers at any given time, KCTU was now a
1054:
Despite the internal struggles and factionalism of KCTU, their methods were nonetheless highly effective. In the early 1990s, there was a shift from domestic growth to national competitiveness: one of the major economic policies of Korea became "growth first, and distribution later." The KCTU
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of the military regimes, the
Chaebol groups began to reassert themselves with the introduction of automation production processes, decentralized factory location of production sites, and began to relocate production to overseas, which worsened the situation for organised labour.
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working conditions and numerous labor rights violations are extremely unfortunate and incomprehensible. KCTU was also criticized for being indifferent to the issue of employment of the disabled and for not showing efforts to improve the equal working rights of the disabled.
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hope. They in essence, profoundly changed the dynamics of the relationship between the capitalists, state, and the workers. KCTU, from its meager start successfully solidified themselves as an indispensable partner with respect to the workers’ rights of Korea.
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applicable in the revised laws, including the flexible workday policy in an effort to reduce wages. Hence, the employers were able to strengthen their power while the workers lost protection from lay-offs and the job security they sought so desperately.
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In response to the economic crisis, KCTU membership levels had also declined. It fell by 9 per cent or 40,783 members, between
January and October 1998. To mitigate further layoffs by the employers, KCTU affiliates have engaged in strike action at the
1220:
living in South Korea. In 2001, a labor union of only foreign workers under the KCTU was formed, which is said to be the first in South Korean history. As of 2022, the KCTU has spoken on the issue of human rights violations against foreign workers.
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regarded this as detrimental to the interests of the workers, and adopted the counter-policy of "strike first, bargain later." Korean workers used strikes as a weapon to seek political change, better working conditions, and for higher wages.
1195:
On 22 December 2013, hundreds of riot police raided the KCTU's headquarters in Seoul injuring hundreds. Six senior KCTU leaders were arrested for supporting a national railway strike which the government declared "illegal". According to the
1009:(FKTU). Park's regime was truly authoritarian, and suppressed the activities of all political and business leaders it deemed corrupt. Park restructured the unions, permitting only those he and his regime regarded as "loyal" to their cause.
69:, is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Knowledge (XXG).
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391 000 members in
December 1995 to 896 unions and 490,000 members in December 1996. The KCTU had become a formidable force, regarding themselves as an indispensable "check" to the power of the state, employers, and the FKTU.
1033:
To sever the relationship from the FKTU, whom many regarded as a government proxy for their subordination to the military regimes, various national federations of the chaebol-based unions emerged, including the
1012:
As a result, for almost two decades under the military regime of
President Park, the FKTU was substantially weakened and subordinated to the repressive state, as well as the family-owned conglomerates or
1163:
and national support was given by other trade unions, Hyundai was compelled to reduce the numbers being laid off to 277. But nevertheless, they could not prevent the membership of KCTU from declining.
1073:
for their failure to honor the reforms which were promised to the people of South Korea, and for displaying "backwardness" with respect to labor-law reform. International organisations, including the
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985:(Candlelight Demonstrations), the KCTU has seen accelerated growth in union enrollment, reaching 1,134,056 members in 2020 and making it the second largest industrial union confederation in Korea.
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in August and September 1998. Although the company had intended to layoff 1500 employees, as the result of more than a month of stoppage during which some union members went on
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The trade unions in South Korea had been historically repressed by their governments for almost five decades. From the creation of the First Republic of Korea, from President
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Kyoon, Kim Jin (2000). "Rethinking the new beginning of the democratic union movement in Korea: from the 1987 Great Workers' Struggle to the construction of the
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their initial decision and even threatened to arrest the strikers. It has been estimated that the three weeks' strikes cost $ 3.4 billion in lost production.
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laws, was fired along with other advisers. Finally, during a meeting with the opposition leaders, President Kim stated that the KCTU would be legalized.
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Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article.
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Bae Johngseok; Chris Rowley; Dong-Heon Kim; John J. Lawler (1997). "Korean industrial relations at the crossroads: the recent labour troubles".
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Seung-Ho Kwo; Michael O'Donnell (1999). "Repression and struggle: the state, the chaebol and independent trade unions in South Korea".
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Content in this edit is translated from the existing Korean Knowledge (XXG) article at ]; see its history for attribution.
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legitimate force that could not be ignored. Nevertheless, voices of discontent within the union were growing.
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and International Metal Workers Unions both criticized and condemned the actions of the Korean government.
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to accept various labor changes that would ultimately harm and hinder the worker's positions in Korea.
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Korea, consisting of $ 57 billion. Included in the package, various harsh conditions were attached.
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groups, were bankrupt. In addition, numerous banks became insolvent. In spite of both the
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was formed in 1989, to counter the perceived authoritarian nature of education in Korea.
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1997 was a devastating year for both the people of South Korea and the country when an
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1408:. Asia's transformations (2nd ed.). Psychology Press. pp. 84–85.
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Korean Politics: The Quest for Democratization and Economic Development
1536:. Asia's transformations (2nd ed.). Psychology Press. p. 86.
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to the source of your translation. A model attribution edit summary is
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1461:( Chunnohyup ) and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU)".
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The Politics of Democratization in Korea: The Role of Civil Society
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1508:. Routledge Advances in Korean Studies. Routledge. p. 113.
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tendency and has traditionally supported the labor movement of
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Chang, Yunshik; Seok, Hyun-ho; Baker, Donald, eds. (2008).
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happened. By November 1997, many conglomerates including
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officially established in 1995. Its predecessor was the
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Korean Society: Civil Society, Democracy, and the State
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Korean Society: Civil Society, Democracy, and the State
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1183:, as the fifth presidential candidate of South Korea.
1578:. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. p. 218.
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Immigration political advocacy groups in South Korea
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a machine-translated version of the Korean article.
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1075:International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
1050:Rise of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions
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1089:Conflicting results of the January 1997 strike
87:accompanying your translation by providing an
49:Click for important translation instructions.
36:expand this article with text translated from
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958:; an acronym for "KCTU" in Korean), is a
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862:Korean Confederation of Trade Unions
240:Korean Confederation of Trade Unions
130:Korean Confederation of Trade Unions
1532:Armstrong, Charles K., ed. (2002).
1404:Armstrong, Charles K., ed. (2002).
16:South Korean trade union federation
1672:1995 establishments in South Korea
1262:Korean Government Employees' Union
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1506:Korea Confronts Globalization
1305:(in Korean). 30 December 2021
983:2016–17 South Korean protests
837:Labor movement of South Korea
99:{{Translated|ko|전국민주노동조합총연맹}}
1687:Progressivism in South Korea
1682:Organizations based in Seoul
1574:Oh, John Kie-chiang (1999).
1378:Asia Pacific Business Review
1252:Working hours in South Korea
1029:Gaining strength and support
707:Democratic Independent Party
564:Korean independence movement
320:Progressivism in South Korea
1463:Inter-Asia Cultural Studies
1247:Trade unions in South Korea
960:national trade union centre
942:), literally translated as
857:Trade unions in South Korea
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110:Knowledge (XXG):Translation
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1459:Korean Trade Union Council
1347:10.1177/002218569904100204
993:After the liberation from
722:Hankyoreh Democratic Party
61:Machine translation, like
1475:10.1080/14649370020009979
1391:10.1080/13602389700000009
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842:Liberalism in South Korea
776:Unified Progressive Party
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38:the corresponding article
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760:Progressive Party (1956)
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205:Kim Myung-hwan, Chairman
1239:Organized labour portal
1102:Limitations of the KCTU
1040:National Teachers Union
1020:By the 1990s, with the
847:Politics of South Korea
739:Laboring People's Party
108:For more guidance, see
896:South Korea portal
712:Democratic Labor Party
1429:Kim, Sunhyuk (2000).
1157:Hyundai Motor Company
1139:Criticism of the KCTU
1114:, as well as several
1036:Kia and Hyundai Group
884:Liberalism portal
750:New Progressive Party
81:copyright attribution
474:Legal egalitarianism
381:Democratic socialism
278:Revised Romanization
1558:"민주노총도 못 챙긴 장애인 고용"
1062:, led by President
1003:coup d'état in 1961
804:Voice of the People
755:Participation Party
517:Democracy movements
433:Christian socialism
125:
1627:. 25 October 2022.
1302:Yonhap News Agency
702:Basic Income Party
522:2016–2017 protests
89:interlanguage link
1585:978-0-8014-8458-2
1560:. 7 January 2021.
1440:978-0-8229-5736-2
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269:全國民主勞動組合總連盟
253:전국민주노동조합총연맹
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604:Hong Sehwa
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405:Principles
371:Radicalism
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376:Socialism
365:Shinjwapa
226:(English)
191:Members
103:talk page
40:in Korean
1268:History:
1225:See also
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799:Pressian
794:OhmyNews
654:Pak Noja
359:National
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311:a series
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164:Location
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354:Green
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157:Seoul
63:DeepL
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934:The
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