403:; "The film becomes, in part, a study of conservatism and what happens when it is threatened. Pinochet's slyness is well illustrated by a glimpse of him a few months before the coup, sunglasses on, helmet pulled down, dressed like an ordinary soldier as he saunters amicably along with some other officers, who are still loyal to the government and have just put down a premature army rebellion. Meanwhile, the difference between Allende's "Chilean road to socialism" and more authoritarian, Soviet-inspired versions - a difference denied to this day by Pinochet's supporters - is made disarmingly clear by a confrontation between Allende and a crowd of left-wingers, who are chanting for him to close down parliament. He refuses, and the protesting whistles are fierce for a time. Then the crowd goes quiet and listens."
358:, the filmmaker states that he had planned to go back to Chile and producer Yves Jeanneau suggested that Guzmán make his trip the subject of a new film. According to Guzmán, “This frightened me too much, however, to appear as the central focus of a film. So I made the suggestion it would be better to take advantage of my trip looking for the original characters of The Battle of Chile. That jelled and so the project began. I wrote the first synopsis, with a real lack of confidence because the "personal tone" wasn't convincing me.”
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thought that I had picked the wrong film and said to myself, ´these kids must be children of parents who detest the
Allende period´, and started moving to the back of the room to turn on the light, as I tried to think of some formula to continue the class. How great was my surprise when I discovered the faces of these young people, all crying, without exception. No one could articulate a single word. In that moment, I understood that the main device of the film had to be the showings of The Battle.”
399:, hasn't been heard of since his imprisonment. The others fled separately, assembled in Cuba, and together with a well-known Chilean film editor Pedro Chaskel, ... worked on the movie ... Aesthetically, this is a major film, and that gives force even to the patterning of its charges ... It needs to be seen on public television, with those government officials who formed policy toward Allende explaining what interests they believed they were furthering." Andy Beckett in
300:, which paralyzes the distribution of food, gasoline, and fuel, and there is a call for Allende to resign. Instead, Allende holds a rally - around 800,000 people arrive, but they have no weapons. On September 11, the Navy institutes the coup d'état, and the Air Force bombs the state radio station. The palace is bombarded from the air. The chiefs of the junta on television are seen announcing they'll return the country to order after three years of "Marxist cancer".
281:- but the attempted coup is snuffed out in a few hours. "The film leaps from one group to another ... It shows the different elements in the explosive situation with so much clarity that it's a Marxist tract in which the contradictions of capitalism have sprung to life. We actually see the country cracking open. Step by step, the legal government is overthrown."
351:, speaks with Allende’s former guards, reflects on his own time being held by the military government, and overall focuses on the individual experiences under such a regime. The film explores the identity of the Chilean people in regards to the political changes of the nation during and after the Pinochet regime.
270:, Allende makes gains to 43.4 percent of the votes, though the opposition bloc is strong too, up to 56 percent. The film has street interviews, speeches, violent confrontations, the mobs, and meetings, the parades with workers chanting. Part One finishes with newsreel footage from an Argentine cameraman
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Guzmán wanted to film the reaction of young students to the screening of The Battle of Chile, just as he had experience before the production of
Obstinate Memory. He requested permission from 40 schools to do this but only 4 agreed. According to Guzmán, the rest of the schools refused because they
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Eventually the filmmaker found the way to tell this compelling story. Previous to the beginning of the shoot, the director was screening his documentary at a film school in
Santiago. As the screening ended, Guzmán saw no reaction to his film, “no one turned on the light, and no one applauded. I
303:
Part Three - "Popular Power" takes place in 1972-3, prior to the previous two installments. It primarily focuses on the workers' response to the "insurrection of the bourgeoise" captured in part 1. The workers respond to a strike of the employers and middle-class employees by occupying their
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produce a work of this magnitude? The answer has to be partly, at least; through
Marxist discipline ... The young Chilean director and his associates had a sense of purpose. The twenty hours of footage they shot had to be smuggled out of the country..the cameraman,
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390:- " How could a team of five - some with no previous film experience - working with ... one Éclair camera, one Nagra sound recorder, two vehicles...and a package of black-and-white film stock sent to them by the French documentarian
263:" coalition was put into office with only a third of the popular vote. His efforts to nationalize certain industries have met with both internal and foreign opposition, and Chile is suffering economic deprivations.
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Everybody in Chile seems to know the coup d'état is coming and talk about it openly - yet the people who have the most to lose can't get together enough to do anything. Allende's naval aide-de-camp
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316:) and opens up a debate on the left about the future of socialism and workers' power in Chile. The film features extensive interviews with Chilean industrial workers.
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Part Two - "The Coup d'état" begins with the right wing violence of the winter of 1973 against the government. Army troops seize control of downtown
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focuses more on the personal reflections of the filmmaker on returning to his home country. Whereas the original documentary is in the form of
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was released and followed Guzmán back to Chile as he screened the three-part documentary to
Chileans who had never seen it before.
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Klubock, Thomas (2003). "History and Memory in
Neoliberal Chile: Patricio Guzmán's Obstinate Memory and The Battle of Chile".
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Klubock, Thomas (2003). "History and Memory in
Neoliberal Chile: Patricio Guzmán's Obstinate Memory and The Battle of Chile".
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who was photographing street skirmishes. A soldier takes aim and kills the cameraman, and the image spins skyward.
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Blanes, Jaume Peris (Jul 2009). "The times of violence in Chile: The obstinate memory by
Patricio Guzmán".
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were concerned about traumatizing the students and some suggested that it was better to forget the past.
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A chronicle of the political tension in Chile in 1973 and of the military coup against the government of
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Guzmán struggled with the decision to make a personal essay film. In an interview with
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factories and, as the strike is prolonged, attempting to run them themselves (
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This article is about the 1975 film. For the war between Chile and Spain, see
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is killed, and the camera moves around the funeral attendees - General
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The Battle of Chile: The
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among them. In July, the truck owners, funded by the
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La batalla de Chile: La lucha de un pueblo sin armas
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599:. Patricio Guzmán´s Website
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306:autogestion
155:263 minutes
100:Narrated by
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718:1975 films
712:Categories
419:References
251:Background
127:Production
64:Written by
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241:In 1997,
231:; 1979).
160:Countries
145:1975–1979
118:Edited by
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279:Santiago
177:Language
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215:1975),
193:Spanish
180:Spanish
129:company
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