491:". Part of NATO's justification for the bombing was to end the humanitarian crisis involving the large outflow of Kosovar Albanian refugees caused by Yugoslav forces. In April 1999, the development of this humanitarian crisis as well as accusations of genocide were used by policy-makers in the United States and Europe to legally justify the campaign on the basis of "humanitarian law", allowing for intervention where large scale human rights violations are occurring. Human rights organizations and individuals were divided on the campaign, given that the invocation of human rights and humanitarian law was used to initiate war. Moreover, they expressed doubts about the campaign given that it worsened the violence against Kosovar Albanians. Critics of the campaign have employed the term "humanitarian bombing" in an ironic manner to demonstrate their derision.
369:
consistent with the
Purposes and Principles of the United Nations. However, the UN policy on military intervention by regional arrangements in UN Article 53 states the Security Council can, where appropriate, "utilize such regional arrangements or agencies for enforcement action under its authority. However, no enforcement action shall be taken under regional arrangements or by regional agencies without the authorization of the Security Council."
187:
446:
Rejection of Russia's condemnation amounted to political, but not legal, support of NATO's intervention. After the war ended with the
Kumanovo Treaty and the bombing stopped, some argued that the creation on 10 June 1999 of the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), by Security Council
401:
supported intervention in principle, saying "there are times when the use of force may be legitimate in the pursuit of peace", but was critical of unilateral action by NATO. He argued "under the
Charter the Security Council has primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security
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has the power to authorize the use of force in order to fulfill its responsibility to maintain international peace and security. In particular, Article 42 states that should the
Security Council consider that measures provided for in Article 41 would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it
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to meet to consider "an extremely dangerous situation caused by the unilateral military action of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia". However, a draft resolution, tabled jointly by Russia, Belarus and India, to demand "an immediate cessation of
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Because the NATO actions in Kosovo were taken after consultation with all members, were approved by a NATO vote, and were undertaken by several NATO members, NATO contends that its actions were in accordance with its charter. Article 4, however, is silent as to the use of force and does not discuss
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NATO did not have the backing of the UN Security
Council to use force in Yugoslavia. Further, NATO did not claim that an armed attack occurred against another state. However, its advocates contend that NATO actions were consistent with the UN Charter because the Charter prohibits unprovoked attacks
381:
Article 5 of NATO's charter calls on NATO members to respond in mutual defense when any NATO member is attacked. It is unclear whether under the NATO charter force may be used in the absence of such an attack. Article 5 has been interpreted as restricting NATO's use of force to situations where a
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Article 51 contains the second specific exception to the prohibition on the use of force – the right to self-defence. In particular, Article 51 states that nothing in the present charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a
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The United
Nations considers NATO to be a "regional arrangement" under UN Article 52, which allows it to deal with matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action provided that such arrangements or agencies and their activities are
519:
wrote that "an alternative assessment was that NATO’s bombing was largely to blame for the expulsions and killings" of
Kosovars as prior to it the Yugoslav Army was "behaving with the brutality typical of security forces". On the 10th anniversary of the bombing campaign, Ian Bancroft wrote in
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and the
European powers that sent armed forces to attack as part of the NATO bombing campaign, violated the UN Charter by attacking a fellow UN member state: (1) in the absence of UN Security Council authorization, and (2) in the absence of an attack or a threat of imminent attack on them.
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as posing a risk to regional stability. As such, NATO and certain governments asserted they had a legitimate interest in developments in Kosovo, due to their impact on the stability of the whole region which, they claimed, is a legitimate concern of the
Organisation.
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may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations.
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member states, including all members of NATO, because they have each signed it. Article 2(4) of the UN Charter prohibits the use of force by UN member states to resolve disputes, but with two specific exceptions to this general prohibition:
526:: "Though justified by apparently humanitarian considerations, NATO's bombing of Serbia succeeded only in escalating the Kosovo crisis into a full-scale humanitarian catastrophe"; citing a post-war report released by the
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the use of force against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" was defeated. Among the 15 UN Security Council nations, there were three votes in favour (Russia, China and Namibia) and twelve against, with no abstentions.
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rather than expelling the Albanian population which only occurred afterwards, claiming that "the U.S.-led NATO bombing precipitated the very humanitarian crisis the administration claimed it was intervening to stop".
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Critics of the bombing have argued that the campaign violated international law. Some also argued that NATO triggered or accelerated the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo as the violence escalated once the campaign began.
924:
Henkin, Louis. 1999. Kosovo and the Law of "Humanitarian Intervention". The American Journal of International Law. The American Journal of International Law. 10 1, 1999, Vol. 93, 4, pp. 824-828
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504:'s claim that the campaign stopped "deliberate, systematic efforts at ..genocide" by arguing that prior to the bombing the Yugoslav Army's "brutal operations" were aimed at rooting out the
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Some journalists have argued that the humanitarian situation worsened after the bombing campaign was launched, thereby questioning the stated objective as laid out by NATO. Writing for the
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social and economic system, claiming that it was the only country in the region which still defied the Western hegemony prior to 1999; this claim is disputed. He described
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in particular, where public utilities were bombed in addition to military targets. Chomsky argued that the main objective of the NATO intervention was to integrate FR
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only by individual states. The principal legal issue remains, however, since NATO as such is not a member state of the UN, whether the member states of NATO, the
463:. At his 2009 speech to the United Nations General Assembly, Gaddafi strongly condemned the intervention in Yugoslavia, along with earlier U.S. interventions in
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402:- and this is explicitly acknowledged in the North Atlantic Treaty. Therefore, the Council should be involved in any decision to resort to the use of force."
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he concluded that it is "widely acknowledged that the bulk of the ethnic cleansing and war crimes occurred after the start of 's campaign".
459:. This friendship between Libya and Yugoslavia dates back to before the fall of the latter, as Gaddafi maintained a close relationship with
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Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.
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471:. Libya's support for Yugoslavia throughout the 1990s led to many in Serbia supporting the Gaddafi government in during the
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NATO member has been attacked. It has been argued, therefore, that NATO's actions were in violation of the charter of NATO.
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One of the few countries to support the Yugoslav government fully during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia was that of
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Shank, Gregory (April 1999). "Commentary: Not a Just War, Just a War — NATO's Humanitarian Bombing Mission".
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against Yugoslavia, the NATO bombing campaign has been criticized for exceeding the limits of
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International Organisations and Peace Enforcement: The Politics of International Legitimacy
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Re-examining Kosovo: The Role of Authority in Legitimating Armed Humanitarian Intervention
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Resolution 1244 (1999), constituted a legal ratification post festum (after the event).
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The bombing campaign is sometimes referred to as a "humanitarian war" or a case of "
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Debate over whether the NATO intervention in Yugoslavia violated international law
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The End of Politics: Corporate Power and the Decline of the Public Sphere
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Law, Policy and International Justice: Essays in Honour of Maxwell Cohen
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Supporters of the bombing argued that the bombing brought to an end the
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that determine whether launching a war is legally justified are called
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The Kosovo Crisis: The Evolution of Post Cold War European Security
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270:'s government, which they saw as having been responsible for the
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Kaplan, William; Donald Malcolm McRae; Maxwell Cohen (1993).
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The United Nations & Regional Security: Europe and Beyond
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population, and that it hastened (or caused) the downfall of
1335:(2018). Yugoslavia: Peace, War, and Dissolution. PM Press.
680:"Rights Group Says NATO Bombing in Yugoslavia Violated Law"
1353:
PDF of Center for Policy Studies (UK) analysis of legality
1251:"Chomsky: Paris attacks show hypocrisy of West's outrage"
1133:"Where's the Evidence of Genocide of Kosovar Albanians?"
705:
Pugh, Michael Charles; Waheguru Pal Singh Sidhu (2003).
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Layne, Christopher; Schwarz, Benjamin (26 March 2000).
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in 2011, with many Serbs drawing parallels between the
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was also highly critical of the NATO campaign and its
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On the day the bombing started, Russia called for the
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880:"Balkan Crisis Report - The UN's Surprising Support"
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NATO bombing of Yugoslavia#Criticism of the campaign
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Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
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and Serbia's own experience with NATO intervention.
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378:under what circumstances force may be authorized.
233:NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
616:"The UN, NATO and International Law after Kosovo"
845:Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law: 2000
1383:Aerial operations and battles of the Kosovo War
1362:1999 decisions on Yugoslavia vs the NATO states
1171:The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo
1016:"A Word Bolsters Case for Allied Intervention"
590:Independent International Commission on Kosovo
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828:Annan, Kofi; with Nader Mousavizadeh (2012).
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934:Tabak, Nate; Werman, Marco (April 8, 2011).
900:Denitch, Bogdan; Ian Williams (1999-04-08).
809:"UN Press Release SG/SM/6938, 24 March 1999"
538:Aside from the above-discussed issue of the
312:NATO's argument for the bombing's legitimacy
1152:"Serbia's anniversary is a timely reminder"
239:is the foundational legal document of the
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29:
1306:Latawski, Paul; Smith, Martin A. (2003).
882:. Institute for War & Peace Reporting
859:"UN Press Release SC/6659, 26 March 1999"
847:. Cambridge University Press. p. 27.
574:bombing of the Radio Television of Serbia
540:legal justifiability of launching the war
290:Legal justifiability of launching the war
1131:Cockburn, Alexander (October 29, 1999).
1091:"Kostunica hopes for less U.S. presence"
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1226:Yugoslavia: Peace, War, and Dissolution
1199:"Bit Players Become 'Frontline' States"
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386:International criticism of NATO actions
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1286:Survival: Global Politics and Strategy
830:Interventions. A Life in War and Peace
1224:Chomsky, Noam; Džalto, Davor (2018).
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1293:(3). Taylor & Francis: 102–123.
342:The first exception is set forth in
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961:"Qadaffi Talks To Serbia's Pink TV"
653:Coleman, Katharina Pichler (2007).
1097:. 17 December 2000. Archived from
406:Russian attempt to end the bombing
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1249:Chomsky, Noam (19 January 2015).
316:NATO described the conditions in
832:. Penguin Books. pp. 92–97.
247:members are also subject to the
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1403:1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
1314:. Manchester University Press.
1150:Bancroft, Ian (24 March 2009).
1014:Lewis, Neil A. (4 April 1999).
787:. Guilford Press. p. 322.
678:Erlanger, Steven (2000-06-08).
477:2011 NATO intervention in Libya
1358:International Court of Justice
1276:Roberts, Adam (October 1999).
1048:. 15 June 1999. Archived from
936:"Gaddafi supporters in Serbia"
657:. Cambridge University Press.
614:O'Connell, Mary Ellen (2000).
548:international humanitarian law
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1299:10.1080/00396339912331342943
965:RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty
878:Williams, Ian (1999-04-19).
709:. Lynne Rienner Publishers.
172:War crimes in the Kosovo War
1278:"NATO's 'Humanitarian War'"
902:"The Case Against Inaction"
763:"The North Atlantic Treaty"
534:Legality of wartime conduct
457:Libya under Muammar Gaddafi
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333:is legally binding on all
177:Kosovo Specialist Chambers
1002:Latawski & Smith 2003
990:Latawski & Smith 2003
489:humanitarian intervention
235:has been questioned. The
1046:"Kosovo and doublespeak"
741:. McGill-Queen's Press.
300:public international law
58:Battle of Belaćevac Mine
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272:international isolation
88:Gornje Obrinje massacre
33:Part of a series on the
1169:Chomsky, Noam (1999).
620:Human Rights Quarterly
544:lawful wartime conduct
506:Kosovo Liberation Army
483:Humanitarian reasoning
473:First Libyan Civil War
53:Kosovo Liberation Army
1052:on 16 September 2002.
632:10.1353/hrq.2000.0012
249:North Atlantic Treaty
227:The legitimacy under
1004:, p. 14-15, 32.
967:. February 28, 2011.
396:UN Secretary-General
83:Lapušnik prison camp
1253:. CNN International
1204:The Washington Post
1118:The Washington Post
1114:"Was It A Mistake?"
1101:on 14 October 2007.
412:UN Security Council
348:UN Security Council
121:Civilian casualties
116:Bela Crkva massacre
1020:The New York Times
940:The World from PRX
685:The New York Times
552:Geneva Conventions
511:Alexander Cockburn
268:Slobodan Milošević
136:Suva Reka massacre
1341:978-1-62963-442-5
1321:978-0-71905-980-3
1235:978-1-62963-442-5
1180:978-0-7453-1633-8
1137:Los Angeles Times
794:978-1-57230-504-5
748:978-0-7735-1114-9
664:978-0-521-87019-1
568:into the Western
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1393:Criticisms
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1257:20 January
1210:2008-11-13
911:2008-11-13
906:The Nation
886:2008-11-13
864:2014-07-15
814:2019-12-08
691:2008-11-13
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399:Kofi Annan
391:Kofi Annan
331:UN Charter
276:war crimes
237:UN Charter
167:Legitimacy
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626:: 57–89.
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1281:(PDF)
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