Power: A New Social Analysis

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submission, with cultural taboos placed upon use of the imagination; both of which increase social cohesion by encouraging the self-censorship of dissent. Priestly power is not as impressive, even when it is in full bloom. At its peak, priestly power depends on not being opposed by kingly power and not being usurped by a morality of conscience; and even then, it faces the threat of wide scepticism. Still, some moral convictions do not seem to have any source at all in the power elite: for example, the treatment of homosexuality in the early twentieth century does not seem to be tied to the success of a particular rulership.

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disappointing... In this pretentious volume, Russell shows only the most superficial familiarity with progress made in the study of social phenomena or in any special field of social research, either with techniques of inquiry, or with materials assembled, or with interpretations developed... it seems doubtful that the author knows what is going on in the world of social science." Indeed, the very preface of the work candidly states: "As usual, those who look in Russell's pronouncements for dotty opinions will be able to find a few". However, some other contemporary reviews were more positive. Russell's book was reviewed by

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done. It was intended as a refutation both of Marx and of the classical economists, not on a point of detail, but on the fundamental assumptions that they shared. I argued that power, rather than wealth, should be the basic concept in social theory, and that social justice should consist in equalisation of power to the greatest practicable degree. It followed that State ownership of land and capital was no advance unless the State was democratic, and even then only if methods were devised for curbing the power of officials. A part of my thesis was taken up and popularised in Burnham's

843:"It is not altogether true that persuasion is one thing and force is another. Many forms of persuasion—even many of which everybody approves-- are really a kind of force. Consider what we do to our children. We do not say to them: 'Some people think the earth is round, and others think it is flat; when you grow up, you can, if you like, examine the evidence and form your own conclusion.' Instead of this we say: 'The earth is round.' By the time our children are old enough to examine the evidence, our propaganda has closed their minds..." 1430:. From Russell's perspective, such views are incoherent, since they only deny themselves coercive power, but retain an interest in persuading others to their cause; and persuasion is a form of power, for Russell. Moreover, he argues that the love of power can actually be a good thing. For instance, if one feels a certain duty towards their neighbours, they may attempt to attain power to help those neighbours. In sum, the focus of any policy should not be on a ban on kinds of power, but rather, on certain kinds of use of power. 1774:, given their reverence to those who preached a different way of life." As Kirk Willis remarked on Russell's outlook during the 1930s, "the foreign and domestic policies of successive national governments repelled him, as did the triumph of totalitarian regimes on the continent and the seemingly inexorable march to war brought in their wake... Despairing that war could be avoided and convinced that such a European-wide conflict would herald a new dark age of barbarism and bigotry, Russell gave voice to his despondency in 1857:

argued that Russell did not put forward a convincing argument for creating a just and tolerant society, instead "a pious hope that the present state of things will not endure". Orwell suggested that "it does not prove that the slave society at which the dictators are aiming will be unstable." Orwell ended his review with praise for Russell's writing, and said Russell had "an essentially decent intellect, a kind of intellectual chivalry which is far rarer than mere cleverness". Other scholars, like

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regarded as instruments of a legitimate institution by some population, and the organisation depends upon propaganda and habit to maintain popular deference to their authority. Similarly, economic organisations operate by the use of conditioning, in the form of money; but the strength of an economy arguably depends in large part on the functional operation of law enforcement which makes commerce possible, by the regulation of

866:, but rather is grounded entirely on the fact that science produces technology, and technology produces things that people desire. Similarly, religion, advertising, and propaganda all have power because of their connections with the desires of their audiences. Russell's conclusion is that reason has very limited, though specific, sway over the opinions of persons. For reason is only effective when it appeals to desire. 4249: 1555:"In former days, men sold themselves to the Devil to acquire magical powers. Nowadays they acquire those powers from science, and find themselves compelled to become devils. There is no hope for the world unless power can be tamed, and brought into the service, not of this or that group of fanatical tyrants, but of the whole human race... for science has made it inevitable that all must live or all must die." 904:" delay revolution, but to make it more violent when it comes. When only one doctrine is officially allowed, men get no practice in thinking or in weighing alternatives; only a great wave of passionate revolt can dethrone orthodoxy; and in order to make the opposition sufficiently whole-hearted and violent to achieve success, it will seem necessary to deny even what was true in governmental dogma". 622:"I greatly doubt whether the men who become pirate chiefs are those who are filled with retrospective terror of their fathers, or whether Napoleon, at Austerlitz, really felt that he was getting even with Madame Mère. I know nothing of the mother of Attila, but I rather suspect that she spoilt the little darling, who subsequently found the world irritating because it sometimes resisted his whims." 1872:, along with many of his later works in social philosophy, is not obviously analytic. Rather, it takes the form of a series of examinations of semi-related topics, with a narrative dominated by historical illustrations. Nevertheless, Brittan emphasised the strengths of the treatise by remarking that it can be understood as "an enjoyable romp through history, in part anticipating some of the 1945 735:, or group acquiescence, as when the leader among sheep is dragged along by chains to get the rest of the flock to follow. Finally, the power of propaganda is akin to the use of carrot and stick to influence the behaviour of a donkey, in the sense that the donkey is being persuaded that making certain actions (following the carrot, avoiding the stick) would be more or less to their benefit. 1330:. Ideological élites tend to allow for the reversion into monarchy, as well as admit to heavy censorship. However, their rule also has certain strengths. For instance, they are more likely to arrive at common agreement immediately after a revolution; they cannot represent a hereditary or economic minority of the population; and they tend towards being more politically conscious and active. 1750:

teach them to avoid being destroyed by cruel fanatics... This is the task of a liberal education: to give a sense of the value of things other than domination, to help create wise citizens of a free community, and through the combination of citizenship with liberty in individual creativeness to enable men to give to human life that splendour which some few have shown that it can achieve .

187: 32: 1651: 1681:, and the philosopher. The rational governor is always threatened by revolutionary activities, and can always be expected to ban speech which calls for assassination. Yet the governor would be advised to allow freedom of speech to prevent and diminish discontent among the subjects, and has no reason to suppress ideas which are unrelated to his governance, for instance the 1738:

fantastic place which is given a dull overview, and a shabby place which is recommended by impressive advertisements. In teaching history, the teacher might examine a particular event from a multitude of different perspectives, and allow the students to use their critical faculties to make assessments of each. In all cases, the object would be to encourage

519: 545:"Most men do not feel in themselves the competence required for leading their group to victory, and therefore seek out a captain who appears to possess the courage and sagacity necessary for the achievement of supremacy... Nietzsche accused Christianity of inculcating a slave-morality, but ultimate triumph was always the goal. 'Blessed are the meek, 129: 73: 3843: 1819:. The paradigmatic public intellectual, Russell wrote prolifically in the latter topics to a wide and receptive audience. As one scholar writes, "Russell's prolific output spanned the whole range of philosophical and political thought, and he has probably been more widely read in his own lifetime than any other philosopher in history". 886: 1232:, such as expulsion, on its members. Voluntary organisations serve the positive function of providing relatively benign outlets for the human passion for drama, and for the impulse to power. Involuntary membership abandons all pretense to the benign. The clearest example of this kind of organisation, for Russell, is the State. 882:

demand two things: first, that some creed be held both by the majority opinion (through force and propaganda), and second, that the majority of intellectual class concurs (through reasoned discussion). In the long-term, however, creeds tend to provoke weariness, light scepticism, outright disbelief, and finally, apathy.

1696:, who believe in their doctrine to the exclusion of all others, and who only seek to protect the dissemination of their own creeds; the virtuous millenarians, who emphasise that revolutionary transitions must begin through rational persuasion and the guidance of sages, and so are supportive of free speech; and the 931:

rather be based on imagined or fabricated history. Thus he writes that "Both religious and secular innovators – at any rate those who have had most lasting success – have appealed, as far as they could, to tradition, and have done whatever lay in their power to minimise the elements of novelty in their system."

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One final suggestion for political policy reform is the notion that there ought to be a political balance in every branch of public service. Lack of balance in public institutions creates havens for reactionary forces, which in turn undermine democracy. Russell emphasises two conditions necessary for

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than one's other goals. Second, the ultimate goal must be to help satisfy the desires of others. Third, the means by which one pursues one's goal must not be egregious or malign, such that they outweigh the value of the end; as (for instance) the gassing of children for the sake of future democracy .

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Advocating a compromise between positive and private morality, Russell first emphasises that there is such a thing as moral progress, a progress which may occur through revolutions. Second, he provides a method by which we can test whether a particular sort of private morality is a form of progress:

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Russell wonders whether some other basis for ethics can be found besides positive morality. Russell associates positive morality with conservatism, and understands it as a way of acting which stifles the spirit of peace and fails to curb strife. Meanwhile, personal morality is the ultimate source of

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Having completed those chapters which analyse the relevant aspects of power in social life, Russell shifts his focus onto the philosophical issues that are connected with those problems. Moving into this new terrain, he wonders what can be done to curb the efforts of those who love power. The answers

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to justify a political regime. It is in this sense that traditional power is psychological and not historical; since traditional power is not entirely based on a commitment to some linear historical creed, but rather, on mere habit. Moreover, traditional power need not be based on actual history, but

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Russell is acutely aware that power tends to coalesce in the hands of a minority, and no less so when it comes to power over opinion. The result is "systematic propaganda", or the monopoly over propaganda by the state. Perhaps surprisingly, Russell avers that the consequences of systematic propaganda

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To explain each form, Russell provides illustrations. The power of mere force is like the tying of a rope around a pig's belly and lifting it up to a ship while ignoring its cries. The power of inducements is likened to two things: either conditioning, as exemplified by circus animals which have been

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two 'layers' of belief in his crowd: "a superficial layer, in which the power of the enemy is magnified so as to make great courage seem necessary, and a deeper layer, in which there is a firm conviction of victory". By contrast, the timid will seek a sense of belonging, and "the reassurance which is

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The final discussion in the work is concerned with Russell's views on education. Citizens of a healthy democracy must have two virtues, for Russell: the "sense of self-reliance and confidence" necessary for autonomous action; and the humility required to "submit to the will of the majority" when it

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Competition, for Russell, is a word that may have many uses. Although most often meant to refer to competition between companies, it may also be used to speak of competition between states, between ideologues, between classes, rivals, trusts, workers, etc. On this topic, Russell ultimately wishes to

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In formulating his outlook on the preferable size of government, Russell encounters a dilemma. He notes that, the smaller the democracy, the more empowerment the citizen feels; yet the larger the democracy, the more the citizen's passions and interests are inflamed. In both situations, the result is

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Among the issues demanding collective ethical action, Russell identifies "political rule", "economic competition", "propagandistic competition", and "psychological life". To make positive changes in each of these spheres of collective behaviour, Russell believed that power would need to be made more

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Of those whose wills are facilitated by an organisation, kinds include "the gentleman, the sage, the economic magnate, the political statesman", and "the covert manager" (or political wire-puller). Each beneficiary of power is parasitic upon certain kinds of organisations, and has certain key traits

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When any given person has a crisis in confidence, and is placed in a terrifying situation, they will tend to behave in a predictable way: first, they submit to the rule of those who seem to have greater competence in the most relevant task, and second, they will surround themselves with that mass of

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In this book I maintained that a sphere of freedom is still desirable even in a socialist state, but this sphere has to be defined afresh and not in liberal terms. This doctrine I still hold. The thesis of this book seems to me important, and I hoped that it would attract more attention than it has

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Fichte and the powerful men who have inherited his ideals, when they see children, think: 'Here is material that I can manipulate'... All this, to any person with natural affection for the young, is horrible; just as we teach children to avoid being destroyed by motor cars if they can, so we should

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Russell is careful to indicate that his support for nationalisation rests on the assumption that it can be accomplished under the auspices of a robust democracy, and that it may be safeguarded against statist tyranny. If either condition fail, then nationalisation is undesirable. In delivering this

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The dominant social system will have some impact on the reigning positive moral codes of the population. In a system where filial piety is dominant, there will be greater emphasis in a culture upon the wisdom of the elderly. In a monarchy, the culture will be encouraged to believe in a morality of

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The types of relationship which any given individual may share with any given organisation can be assessed according to whether the organisation facilitates or suppresses the will of the person. The line between suppression and facilitation of the will is not absolute, but relative. An organisation

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and dims the power of fanaticism. Conversely, it would seem that a community is stronger and more cohesive if there is widespread agreement within it over certain creeds, and reasoned debate is rare. If these two opposing conditions are both to be fully exploited for short-term gains, then it would

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made up of sovereign nation-states. On his view, the function of a world government should only be to ensure the avoidance of war and the pursuit of peace. On the world stage, democracy would be impossible, because of the negligible power any particular individual could have in comparison with the

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within the wide population. Moreover, if a monarchy is hereditary, then the royal offspring will likely have no skill at governance; and if not, then civil war will ensue to determine the next in line. Finally, and perhaps most obviously, the monarch is not necessarily compelled to have any regard

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The general effect of an organisation, Russell believes, is either to increase the well-being of persons, or to aid the survival of the organisation itself: "n the main, the effects of organisations, apart from those resulting from governmental self-preservation, are such as to increase individual

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tends to be forgotten, and consequently, the fanatics of the movement change their goals and aspire toward mere domination. Second, the revolutionary must always deal with the threat of counter-revolutionaries, and is hence faced with a dilemma: because revolutionary power must by definition think

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When the forms of traditional power come to an end, there tends to be a corresponding change in creeds. If the traditional creeds are doubted without any alternative, then the traditional authority relies more and more on the use of naked power. And where the traditional creeds are wholly replaced

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Willis's review, written more than half a century past the original writing of the volume, is in some respects a gentler way of phrasing the work's immediate reception. One of Russell's contemporaries wrote: "As a contribution to social science... or to the study of government, the volume is very

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might be more obscure than competing texts in political philosophy is that it is written in a historical style which is not in keeping with its own theoretical goals. Willis remarked that, with hindsight, "Some of the responsibility for its tepid reception... rests with the book itself. A work of

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To enact these views, Russell advises the reader to discourage cruel temperaments which arise out of a lack of opportunities. Moreover, the reader should encourage the growth of constructive skills, which provide the person with an alternative to easier and more destructive alternatives. Finally,

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magazine. Orwell praised the first half of the book, saying "The most interesting part of Mr. Russell's book is the earlier chapters in which he analyses the various types of power – priestly, oligarchical, dictatorial and so forth". However, Orwell criticized the second part of the book. Orwell

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power is power over opinion: for "Armies are useless unless the soldiers believe in the cause for which they are fighting... Law is impotent unless it is generally respected." Still, he admits that military force may cause opinion, and (with few exceptions) be the thing that imbues opinion with

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For Russell, economic power is parallel to the power of conditioning. However, unlike Marx, he emphasises that economic power is not primary, but rather, derives from a combination of the forms of power. By his account, economics is dependent largely upon the functioning of law, and especially,

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Despite the fact that emergency solidarity is one basis for organizational cohesion, Russell stresses that it is not its sole basis. For instance, he argues that economic organizations and the internal bureaucracies of governments both flourish in spite of external danger and not because of it.

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Collective action should be restricted to two domains. First, it should be used to treat problems that are primarily "geographical", which include issues of sanitation, transportation, electricity, and external threats. Second, it ought to be used when a kind of individual freedom poses a major

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To succeed in the taming of arbitrary political rule, Russell says, a community's goal ought to be to encourage democracy. Russell insists that the beginning of all ameliorative reforms to government must presuppose democracy as a rule. Even lip service to oligarchies – for example, support for

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their ideologies to stay in power, which can curb both positive and negative tendencies. On the negative side, democracies are not very good at dealing with subjects that demand expert authority or quick decisions. Moreover, a democracy is easily corruptible by politicians with agendas. Also, a

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Any given organisation cannot be easily reduced to a particular form of power. For instance, the police and army are quite obviously instruments of force and coercion, but it would be facile to say that they have power simply because of their ability to physically coerce. Rather, the police are

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is one of the greatest threats to democracy. To foster a critical mind, he suggests, the teacher ought to show the students the consequences of pursuing one's feelings over one's thoughts. For example, the teacher might allow students to choose a field trip between two different locations: one

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Russell makes a distinction between traditional, revolutionary, and naked forms of psychological influence. These psychological types overlap with the forms of influence in some respects: for instance, "naked power" can be reduced to coercion alone. But the other types are distinct units of

1722:, fear, and the impulse to submit. Economic opportunities will have some impact on the student's temperament in this regard, and so, economic reforms need to be made to create more opportunities. But reform to the education system is also necessary, in particular, to foster in the student a 959:

to some creed, and not merely popular acquiescence or habit. Thus, for the revolutionary, power is a means to an end, and the end is some creed or other. Whatever its intentions, the power of the revolutionary tends to either devolve back into naked power over time, or else to transform into

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Organizations may also be directed specifically at influencing persons at some stage of life. Thus, we have midwives and doctors who are legally obliged to deliver the baby; as the child grows, the school, parents, and mass media come to the fore; as they reach working age, various economic

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An exhaustive list of the types of organisation would be impossible, since the list would be as long as a list of human reasons to organise themselves in groups. However, Russell takes interest in only a small sample of organisations. The army and police, economic organisations, educational

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According to Russell's outlook on power, there are four conditions under which power ought to be pursued with moral conviction. First, it must be pursued only as a means to some end, and not as an end in itself; moreover, if it is an end in itself, then it must be of comparatively lower

1795:(and years before the creation of the United Nations). Also, at many times during the work, Russell also mentions his desire to see a kind of socialism take root. This was true to his convictions of the time, during a phase in his career where he was convinced in the plausibility of 1455:

Other thinkers have emphasised the pursuit of power as a virtue. Some philosophies are rooted in the love of power because philosophies tend to be coherent unification in the pursuit of some goal or desire. Just as a philosophy may strive for truth, it may also strive for happiness,

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Of those whose wills may be suppressed, we may include "customers, voluntary members, involuntary members", and "enemies" (in order of ascending severity). Each form of membership is paired with typical forms of suppression. The will of the customer may be thwarted through fraud or

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answer two questions: "First, in what kinds of cases is competition technically wasteful? Secondly, in what cases is it desirable on non-technical grounds?". In asking these questions, he has two concerns directly in mind: economic competition, and the competition of propaganda.

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The researcher might also measure the organisation by its use of communication, transportation, size, and distribution of power relative to the population. Improved abilities to communicate and transport tend to stabilise larger organisations and disrupt smaller ones.

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To begin with, Russell is interested in classifying the different ways in which one human being may have power over another – what he calls the "forms of power". The forms may be subdivided into two: influence over persons, and the psychological types of influence.

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on the part of some crowd eventually produces conquest by means of naked power. Eventually, the acquiescence of the outlying population transforms naked power into traditional power. Finally, once a traditional power has taken hold, it engages in the suppression of

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In Russell's model, power over the creeds and habits of persons is easy to miscalculate. He claims that, on the one hand, the economic determinists had underestimated the power of opinion. However, on the other hand, he argues that the case is easy to make that

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Having introduced the reader to the forms of power, Russell applies those forms to a selection of organisations. The purpose of discussing organisations is that they seem to be one of the most common sources of social power. By an "organization", Russell means

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A transition into traditional power is also possible. Just as there are two kinds of traditional power – the priestly and the kingly – there are two kinds of revolutionary power, namely, the "soldier of fortune" and "the divine conqueror". Russell classes

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leading to the conversion of a minority; then force exerted to secure that the rest of the community shall be exposed to the right propaganda; and finally a genuine belief on the part of the great majority, which makes the use of force again unnecessary."

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Russell uses the term "theocracy" for this form. His naming convention has not been replicated here, since Russell uses the term in a special sense, to describe not just a religious state, but also to describe Stalinist Russia, or any totalitarian state

1406:"An individual may perceive a way of life, or a method of social organisation, by which more of the desires of mankind could be satisfied than under the existing method. If he perceives truly, and can persuade men to adopt his reform, he is justified ." 963:

The revolutionary faces at least two special problems. First, the transformation back into naked power occurs when revolutionary power has been around for a long period without achieving a resolution to its key conflict. At some point, the original

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founders. The history of the king is more difficult to examine, and the researcher can only speculate on their origins. At the very least, the power of kingship seems to be advanced by war, even if warmaking was not the king's original function.

1614:"In democratic countries, the most important private organisations are economic. Unlike secret societies, they are able to exercise their terrorism without illegality, since they do not threaten to kill their enemies, but only to starve them." 1700:, who cannot foresee the direction of future progress, but recognise that the free exchange of ideas is a prerequisite to it. For the philosopher, free speech allows people to engage in rational doubt, and to grow in their prudential duties. 910:

By contrast, the shrewd propagandist of the contemporary state will allow for disagreement, so that false established opinions will have something to react to. In Russell's words: "Lies need competition if they are to retain their vigour."

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Democracy, or the rule of the many over themselves. The rule of the masses is positive, in that it is less likely to lead to civil war than the alternatives. An ambivalent feature of democracy is the fact that representatives are forced to

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may benefit one person or class of persons, while doing harm to another. Thus, for example, the police exist to enforce law and order, and this facilitates the will of the general populace; yet they also suppress the will of the criminal.

1868:, p. 202, observes that "In the forty-five years preceding publication of Strawson's 'On Referring', Russell's theory was practically immune from criticism. There is not a similar phenomenon in contemporary analytic philosophy". Yet 1670:; for any speech worth protecting for political reasons is likely to cause somebody harm. For example, the citizen ought to have the opportunity to impeach malicious governors, but that would surely harm the governor, at the very least. 1597:

From the view of the technician, certain goods and services can only be provided efficiently by a centralised authority. For Russell, it seems to be an economic fact that bigger organisations were capable of producing items at a certain

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enjoys power best when playing off another person's hereditary power, or when the organisation benefits largely from an air of mystery. By contrast, the wirepuller suffers a wane in power when the organizational élite is made up of

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stirs, motivating the actor to gain more power. In Russell's view, the love of power is nearly universal among people, although it takes on different guises from person to person. A person with great ambitions may become the next

1921:, p. 20: "Nevertheless, he recognizes that it is sensible to speak of power over things as well as over people. For example, modern industrial technology improves a person's ability to deal with a wide variety of materials." 934:

The two clearest examples of traditional power are the cases of "kingly power" and "priestly power". Russell traces both back historically to certain roles which served some function in early societies. The priest is akin to the

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The exception here is the case of Western science, which seemingly rose in cultural appeal despite being unpopular with establishment forces. Russell explains the popularity of science is not grounded on a general respect for

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political sociology rather than of political theory, it does not in fact either offer a comprehensive new social analysis or fashion new tools of social investigation applicable to the study of power in all times or places".

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From the view of the ethicist, competition between states is on the same moral plane as competition between modern businesses. Indeed, by Russell's account, economic power and political power are both capable of devastation:

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Since they are morally equivalent, perhaps it is not surprising that the cure for political injustices is identical to the cure for economic ones: namely, the institution of democracy in both economic and political spheres.

1285:. All that a monarchy requires to remain in power is, first, for the population to be afraid of the monarch; and second, that the inner circle of supporters be inspired with both confidence and an implicit lust for power. 1707:, which would be charged with the duty to provide a wide range of points of view on political matters. For certain other topics, like art and science, the fullest and freest competition between ideas must be guaranteed. 706:

To understand how organisations operate, Russell explains, we must first understand the basic methods by which they can exercise power at all – that is, we must understand the manner in which individuals are persuaded to

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of select industries (railways, water, television). In order for this to operate effectively, he argues that the social system must be such that power is distributed across a society of highly autonomous persons.

2517:: "Power is not of a man. Wealth does not center in the person of the wealthy. Celebrity is not inherent in any personality. To be celebrated, to be wealthy, to have power requires access to major institutions." ( 1529:

threat to public order; for instance, speech that incites the breaking of law. The exception to this rule is when there is a minority which densely populates a certain well-defined area, in which case, political

1762:(1938) is written with a mind toward the political ills that marred the headlines of the day. The work appeared at the brink of World War II, and contains more than one pointed reference to the dictatorships of 1895:, but otherwise the book fell rather flat. I still hold, however, that what it has to say is of very great importance if the evils of totalitarianism are to be avoided, particularly under a Socialist régime. 1398:. However, personal morality is so deeply connected with the desires of individuals that, if it were left to be the sole guide to moral conduct, it would lead to the social chaos of the "anarchic rebel". 1373:

There is a distinction between positive and private forms of morality. Positive morality tends to be associated with traditional power and following ancient principles with a narrow focus; for example, the

1323:, who are of "a totally different type" from the bourgeoisie, and are more apt to coerce than to behave diplomatically, due in large part to the impersonal relationships they have with their employees; and 3887: 580:, drives towards Eros and Thanatos (Love and Death drives, which constitute the basis of all human drives, etc.,) but rather by a sense of entitlement which arises from exceptional and deep-rooted 1733:

Moreover, the student must have good instructors, who emphasise reason over rhetoric. Russell indicates that the critical mind is an essential feature of the healthy citizen of a democracy, since

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In any case, the citizen's right to dissent and to decide their governor is sacrosanct for Russell. He believes that a true public square could be operated by state-run media outlets, like the

1010:, which is typified by a redistribution of power. Organizations differ in size and type, though common to them all is the tendency for inequality of power to increase as membership increases. 454:", which would describe how and when one form of power changes into another. As a secondary goal of the work, Russell is at pains to reject single-cause accounts of social power, such as the 526:

This impulse to power is not only "explicitly" present in leaders, but also sometimes "implicitly" in those who follow. It is clear that leaders may pursue and profit from enacting their own

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an industry – would not guarantee any of them control over the industry. In the same way, shareholders own parts of companies, but the control of the company ultimately rests with the CEO.

2638:, originally formulated by Richard Emerson. This branch of research attempts to explain power in terms of dependency relationships, hinging on the hedonic forces of punishment and reward. 1236:

organisations pull for the agent's attention; the church and the institution of marriage impact the actor in obvious ways; and finally, the State may provide a pension to the elderly.

1436:"The love of power is a part of human nature, but power-philosophies are, in a certain precise sense, insane. The existence of the external world... can only be denied by a madman... 1362:"Among human beings, the subjection of women is much more complete at a certain level of civilisation than it is among savages. And the subjection is always reinforced by morality." 1692:

The innovator does not tend to care much about free speech, since they engage in innovation despite social resistance. Innovators may be separated into three categories: the hard

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When force is used in the absence of other forms, it is called "naked power". In other words, naked power is the ruthless exertion of force without the desire for, or attempt at,

1525:. To prevent this result, people must have a well-developed sense of separation between acquiescence to the collective will, and respect for the discretion of the individual. 1415:

Individual resistance to power can take two diametrically opposed forms: those which indulge the impulse to power, and those who seek to quell the impulse to power entirely.

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for power is a part of human nature. Second, the work emphasises that there are different forms of social power, and that these forms are substantially interrelated. Third,

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The question of whether or not economic competition is defensible requires an examination from two perspectives: the moral point of view and the technical point of view.

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by the police. Second, the creation of dual branches of police to investigate particular crimes: one which presumes the innocence of the accused, the other presuming

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The volume contains a number of arguments. However, four themes have a central role in the overall work. The first theme given treatment in the analysis is that the

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However, his writings in political philosophy have been relatively neglected by those working in the social sciences. From the point of view of many commentators,

1770:. When his remarks treat of current affairs, they are often pessimistic. "Although men hate one another, exploit one another, and torture one another, they have, 470:

The new social analysis examines at least four general topics: the nature of power, the forms of power, the structure of organisations, and the ethics of power.

1228:, but this at least may be beneficial in providing the customer with the symbolic pleasure of some material goods. Voluntary organisations are able to threaten 45: 1689:. Relatedly, the citizen mainly understands free speech as an extension of the right to do peaceably that which could only otherwise be done through violence. 1791:

nation-states would eventually arise which would dissuade nations from engaging in war. In context, this argument was made years after the dissolution of the

4235: 3873: 1730:, and intellectual commitment to science. The common trait of students with the scientific mind is a sense of balance between dogmatism and scepticism. 197: 2630:

In recent years, however, a fruitful line of scholarship has argued that all power is ultimately tied to social exchanges. Thus, social theorists like

3918: 805:

Ultimately, Russell argues that economic power is attained through the ability to defend one's territory (and to conquer other lands), to possess the

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The phrase "emergency solidarity" will not be found in Russell's work. It has been placed here for the sake of giving a name to a discrete concept.

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of a tribe, who is thought to have unique powers of cursing and healing at their disposal. In most contemporary cases, priests rely on religious

802:

property law; and law is to a large degree a function of the power over opinion, which cannot be entirely explained by wage, labour, and trade.

442:

as a whole. For him, all topics in the social sciences are merely examinations of the different forms of power – chiefly the economic, military,

1316:, a merchant class who had to earn their wealth. Historically, by Russell's account, they have tended to be more clever, astute, and diplomatic; 894:

are not as dire as one might expect. A true monopoly over opinion leads to careless arrogance among leaders, as well as to indifference to the

4288: 4095: 3955: 3550: 3494: 255: 2169:

The latter category is one to which Russell never gives a name, and merely refers to as "a very necessary distinction" or "the distinction"

4071: 227: 139: 2337:, who makes the case that certain parts of the establishment in the Galileo case were actually more in tune with scientific prudence than 150: 568:

of power-seekers. Following Adler (1927) – and to an extent echoing Nietzsche – he separates individuals into two classes: those who are

919:

Among the psychological types of influence, we have a distinction between "traditional, naked, and revolutionary power". (Naked power,

4298: 4283: 4253: 1521:

Moreover, democracy must be infused with a respect for the autonomy of persons, so that the political body does not collapse into the

234: 1834:, who wrote the preface and introduction to the 2004 edition (respectively), both observed the relative lack of success of the work. 1566:

A federal government is only sensible, for Russell, when it has limited but well-defined powers. Russell advocates the creation of a

873:. It would seem that the power of reason is that it is able to increase the odds of success in practical matters by way of technical 4230: 3797: 3785: 3767: 3756: 3714: 3703: 3681: 3666: 3654: 3569: 3528: 3517: 3477: 3465: 281: 168: 103: 59: 51: 1783:

Ultimately, with his new analysis in hand, Russell hoped to instruct others on how to tame arbitrary power. He hoped that a stable

997:

as divine conquerors. Nonetheless, the traditional forms bear only an imperfect relationship, if any, to the revolutionary forms.

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The process by which an organisation achieves sufficient prominence that it is able to exercise naked power can be described as

241: 4293: 4278: 4273: 4179: 4173: 4111: 1874: 1673:

Russell replaces Mill's analysis with an examination of the issue from four perspectives: the perspective of the governor, the

854:

Thus, although "the power over opinion" may occur with or without force, the power of a creed arises only after a powerful and

587:

The imperious person is successful due to both mental and social factors. For instance, the imperious tend to have an internal

491: 3963: 4197: 4161: 855: 212: 973:

that the original revolution was justified, it "cannot, logically, contend that all subsequent revolutions must be wicked".

530:, but in a "genuinely cooperative enterprise", the followers seem to gain vicariously from the achievements of the leader. 3834: 1541:. There are two possible solutions to this problem: to organise political life according to vocational interests, as with 898:

of the governed, and a lack of credulity on behalf of the governed towards the state. In the long-term, the net result is:

223: 4023: 1606:. By contrast, smaller organisations (like businesses) are best suited to create products that are customised and local. 1489: 1460:, salvation, or, finally, power. Among those philosophies which Russell condemns as rooted in love of power: all forms of 3926: 1658:

Control over propaganda is another matter. When forming his argument here, Russell specifically targets the doctrines of

4119: 1444:

variety are given control of powerful armies, and can inflict death and disaster upon all sane men within their reach."

1244:

The forms of governance are the familiar ways in which organisations set up their leadership structures: as monarchies,

641:

entirely from the situation. A confident and competent candidate for leadership may withdraw from a situation when they

1715:

concentrates significantly on the question of how to inspire confidence in students, from an educator's point of view.

770:

Russell argues that naked power arises within a government under certain social conditions: when two or more fanatical

711:

some authority. Russell breaks the forms of influence down into three very general categories: "the power of force and

3988: 3484: 3856: 2197:

A more commonly recognized work in the social sciences is French and Raven (1959)'s study into the "bases of power".

601:

which is relatively lacking in those who follow. In reality, the imperious may or may not actually be possessed of

572:

in a particular situation, and those who are not. The love of power, Russell tells us, is probably not motivated by

4047: 943:

grounded in charismatic authority, which have been more effective at usurping power than those religions that lack

708: 1826:

has proven itself to be no exception to that trend. Russell would later comment that his work "fell rather flat".

877:. The cost of allowing for reasoned inquiry is the tolerance of intellectual disagreement, which in turn provokes 690:

persons who share a similarly low level of confidence. Thus, people submit to the rule of the leader in a kind of

95: 4220: 83: 4303: 4079: 755:

of the powerless and the ambitions of the powerful. As an example of naked power, Russell recalls the story of

447: 2374:

The tendency for hierarchies to emerge out of egalitarian organizations is also sometimes referred to as the "

681:

is interested mostly in a mob that is more given to rash emotion than to reflection. The orator will try to

1864:

Russell is routinely praised for his analytic treatment of philosophical issues. One commentator, quoted in

1522: 248: 3941: 1469: 874: 486:. By Russell's account, the desire to empower oneself is unique to human nature. No other animals besides 20: 1776: 490:, he argues, are capable of being so unsatisfied with their lot, that they should try to accumulate more 91: 4039: 3812: 2375: 1419: 1382:

of marital law. Personal morality is associated with revolutionary power and the following of one's own

677:

over a sympathetic one, the timid orator (or subject) will have the opposite preferences. The imperious

538: 143:

that states a Knowledge (XXG) editor's personal feelings or presents an original argument about a topic.

1418:

Some of those who have attempted to find an escape from the impulse to power have resorted to forms of

4055: 3993: 1623: 1440:

lunatics are shut up because of the proneness to violence when their pretensions are questioned; the

982: 956: 720: 455: 4155: 4137: 4087: 4007: 3936: 1734: 1682: 1644: 1515: 1341:

democracy may easily slip into popular apathy which allows for corrupt politicians to go unchecked.

1306: 806: 534: 1252:. In these ways, any organisation – be it economic, or political – is able to seek out its goals. 204: 3633: 3625: 3596: 2330: 1858: 1831: 1739: 1481: 1289:

However, monarchies have severe problems. Contra Hobbes, no monarchy can be said to arise from a

1281:

Russell notes that monarchy arises more naturally than any other form of government, and is most

926:

By "traditional power", Russell has in mind the ways in which people will appeal to the force of

2631: 450:

forms . Eventually, he hoped that social science would be robust enough to capture the "laws of

303: 3793: 3781: 3763: 3752: 3732: 3710: 3699: 3677: 3662: 3650: 3565: 3546: 3524: 3513: 3490: 3473: 3461: 1816: 1792: 1663: 810: 554: 512: 413: 405: 335: 1493:

Fourth, moral doctrines should aim toward truth and honesty, not the manipulation of others.

4191: 4149: 3968: 3896: 3773: 3744: 3720: 3691: 3617: 3588: 1784: 1659: 1576: 1567: 1375: 1212: 978: 965: 764: 527: 412:. Power, for Russell, is one's ability to achieve goals. In particular, Russell has in mind 409: 401: 345: 317: 3510:

The Twenty Years' Crisis 1919–1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations

3931: 3860: 2514: 1947: 1796: 1627: 1603: 1599: 1290: 1282: 990: 940: 895: 869:

Russell then inquires into the power that reason has over a community, as contrasted with

577: 451: 1983:

However, this attribution is highly controversial among Marx scholars. See, for example:

1780:(1936) – not so much a reasoned defence of appeasement as an expression of defeatism". 1575:

the achievement of balance. He advocates, first, the abolition of the legal standing of

3838: 2905: 1827: 1767: 1693: 1667: 1546: 1327: 994: 508: 439: 3725: 1602:, and best suited to fill needs that are geographical in nature, such as railways and 553:

The existence of implicit power, he explains, is why people are capable of tolerating

4267: 3637: 3600: 1943: 1847: 1697: 1686: 1538: 1477: 955:"Revolutionary power" contrasts with traditional power in that it appeals to popular 716: 573: 479: 438:

Throughout the work, Russell's ambition is to develop a new method of conceiving the

4225: 4143: 3579:

Hodges, Donald & Gandy, Ross (June 1980). "Varieties of Economic Determinism".

2334: 1812: 1763: 1465: 1395: 986: 936: 561: 99: 1742:, a willingness to be "tentative in judgment", and "responsiveness to evidence". 1718:

Two major conditions are necessary. First, the citizen/student must be free from

4031: 1852: 1788: 1674: 1584: 1542: 1313: 1302: 1217: 1015: 927: 565: 503: 186: 518: 3848: 3805:"Pigs, Squeals and Cow Manure; or Power, Language and Multicultural Democracy" 3592: 1640: 1530: 1473: 1383: 1337: 878: 870: 832: 790: 756: 724: 589: 499: 428: 1351:

can be found either in possible collective actions, or in individual duties.

1727: 1678: 1650: 1636: 1507: 1249: 1245: 1229: 1225: 1160: 1129: 952:

with alternative ones, traditional power gives rise to revolutionary power.

498:. The "impulse to power", as he calls it, does not arise unless one's basic 483: 459: 432: 378: 374: 3437:

Russell, Bertrand (1967–69). "Chapter 12: Later Years of Telegraph House".

1298:

Oligarchy, or rule of a few over the many, comes in many different guises:

3500: 885: 3853: 1723: 1643:. He points out that nationalisation – which would allow the citizens to 1497:

they should encourage cooperative feeling, and curb competitive desires.

1461: 1423: 1077: 1031: 779: 732: 712: 682: 1942:

This four-part formulation of social power bears some similarity to the

1579:

as evidence, to remove the incentive for extraction of confession under

427:

insists that "organisations are usually connected with certain kinds of

3736: 3629: 2513:

These hedged remarks stand in contrast to the later, bolder remarks of

2338: 1881:

In his autobiography (1967–69), Russell summarised the implications of

1580: 1008:

a set of people who share some activities, and directed at common goals

795: 748: 647: 443: 1457: 1123: 1082: 863: 775: 760: 678: 3621: 3865: 1808: 1766:

and fascist Italy, and one reference to the persecution of German

1649: 1427: 1379: 1027: 969: 884: 771: 673: 593: 517: 487: 3608:

Merriam, Charles E. (February 1939). "Book Reviews and Notices".

564:

should not come at the cost of ignoring the exceptional personal

1719: 944: 782:, the creation of stability, and/or the rise of a new religion. 752: 663: 612: 605:; rather, the source of their power may also arise out of their 495: 420: 3869: 1704: 923:, is the use of coercion without any pretense to legitimacy.) 670:

Accordingly, while the imperious orator will tend to prefer a

180: 122: 66: 25: 2904:

This is explicitly intended as one possible argument against

1426:. One major proponent of such approaches was the philosopher 1261:"The 'social contract', in the only sense in which it is not 1014:

organisations, organisations of law, political parties, and

1367:

Bertrand Russell on the domination of women (1938:188–189)

140:

personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay

1654:

Russell sought to revise the doctrines of John Stuart Mill

1551: 1432: 1358: 1265:

mythical, is a contract among conquerors, which loses its

1257: 839: 809:

for the cultivation of one's resources, and to be able to

618: 3084: 3082: 2828: 2826: 2398: 2396: 1255:

Each form of government has its own merits and failings:

560:

However, Russell is quick to note that the invocation of

533:

In stressing this point, Russell is explicitly rebutting

3483:

Andrews, R.; Biggs, M.; Seidel, M.; et al. (1996).

2461: 2459: 2217: 2215: 2181: 2179: 2094: 2092: 2055: 2053: 208: 146: 1815:, had many side-interests in history, politics, and 1635:

warning, Russell emphasises the distinction between

4213: 4130: 4015: 3981: 3954: 3917: 3910: 1666:is too weak, so long as it is balanced against the 1269:if they are deprived of the benefits of conquest." 751:. In all cases, the sources of naked power are the 522:

Nietzsche's philosophy was one of Russell's targets

385: 369: 361: 351: 341: 331: 323: 313: 3724: 2522: 686:felt in being one of a crowd who all feel alike". 3508:Carr, Edward Hallett & Cox, Michael (2001) . 2908:, though Russell does not take it to be decisive. 1622:By 'economic democracy', Russell means a kind of 3905:British philosopher, logician, and social critic 397:Power: A New Social Analysis by Bertrand Russell 4204:Henrietta Stanley, Baroness Stanley of Alderley 3778:The Autobiography of Bertrand Russell 1914–1944 1394:positive morality, and is more grounded in the 727:; and "the power of propaganda and/or habit" . 660:to matters of power, and/or are moderated by a 2329:This opinion is not necessarily shared by all 1662:. Russell argues that Mill's argument for the 576:complexes, (i.e., resentment of one's father, 3881: 831:"We thus have a kind of see-saw: first, pure 731:trained to perform this-or-that trick for an 478:Russell's view of human nature, like that of 102:. Please discuss this issue on the article's 8: 1176:b) A democracy at war, a monarchy, oligarchy 774:are contending for governance, and when all 296: 213:introducing citations to additional sources 3562:The Cambridge Companion to Bertrand Russell 1984: 1294:for the well-being of his or her subjects. 739:analysis, and require separate treatments. 431:". Finally, the work ends by arguing that " 60:Learn how and when to remove these messages 3978: 3951: 3914: 3888: 3874: 3866: 1018:are all recognised as societal entities. 302: 295: 3564:. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 789:. According to this rule, what begins as 656:power by the usual methods, are entirely 645:to challenge a particular authority, are 282:Learn how and when to remove this message 169:Learn how and when to remove this message 1745:The work ends with the following words: 1484:; and the works of Friedrich Nietzsche. 633:Non-imperious persons include those who 203:Relevant discussion may be found on the 21:Power (disambiguation) § Literature 4186:Katharine Russell, Viscountess Amberley 4064:Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy 3844:Preview of Power: A New Social Analysis 3534:French, J.R.P. & Raven, B. (1959). 3489:. New York: Columbia University Press. 3424: 3412: 3388: 3376: 3364: 3352: 3340: 3328: 3316: 3292: 3280: 3268: 3256: 3244: 3232: 3220: 3208: 3196: 3184: 3172: 3160: 3148: 3136: 3124: 3112: 3100: 3088: 3073: 3061: 3049: 3037: 3025: 3013: 3001: 2989: 2977: 2965: 2953: 2941: 2929: 2917: 2892: 2880: 2868: 2856: 2844: 2832: 2817: 2805: 2793: 2781: 2769: 2757: 2745: 2733: 2721: 2709: 2695: 2683: 2671: 2659: 2647: 2618: 2606: 2594: 2582: 2570: 2558: 2546: 2534: 2501: 2489: 2477: 2465: 2450: 2438: 2426: 2414: 2402: 2387: 2362: 2350: 2317: 2305: 2293: 2281: 2269: 2257: 2245: 2233: 2221: 2206: 2185: 2170: 2157: 2145: 2122: 2110: 2098: 2083: 2071: 2059: 2044: 2032: 2020: 2008: 1996: 1971: 1959: 1930: 1918: 1911: 1865: 1626:, which at the very least involves the 4096:In Praise of Idleness and Other Essays 3400: 1305:, which (Russell argues) tends to be " 1211:Thus, a political wire-puller such as 1051:which uniquely put them at advantage: 915:Revolutionary versus traditional power 511:, but others may be content to merely 435:rulership can and should be subdued". 3854:E-text of "Proposed Roads to Freedom" 3780:. London: Bantam Books. p. 193. 3649:. New York: Oxford University Press. 3610:The American Political Science Review 3545:. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. 3304: 2518: 778:. A period of naked power may end by 759:, the son of a potter who became the 7: 4072:Free Thought and Official Propaganda 1861:, also found the work of some use. 1309:, proud, stupid, and rather brutal"; 4254:Category: Works by Bertrand Russell 3460:. Unknown: Garden City Publishing. 1518:– must be dismissed as fantastic. 1190:b) Determination, passion, boldness 3674:Facing Unpleasant Facts, 1937-1939 2634:have developed the quasi-economic 14: 2333:. See, for instance, the work of 1711:has spoken. The last chapter of 1545:; or to organise it according to 1146:Quickness, resoluteness, insight 889:An example of war-time propaganda 858:has willingly adopted the creed. 547:for they shall inherit the earth. 41:This article has multiple issues. 4248: 4247: 4168:Conrad Russell, 5th Earl Russell 4006: 3676:. London: Secker & Warburg. 3512:. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2523:Andrews, Biggs & Seidel 1996 776:traditional beliefs have decayed 654:do not have the means to acquire 557:for an extended period of time. 196:relies largely or entirely on a 185: 127: 86:to read and navigate comfortably 71: 30: 4180:John Russell, Viscount Amberley 4174:Frank Russell, 2nd Earl Russell 4112:A History of Western Philosophy 3849:E-text of "Which Way to Peace?" 3698:. Cornwall NY: Cornwall Press. 2549:, pp. 29–34, 128, 138–140. 1875:A History of Western Philosophy 1472:'s solipsism; certain forms of 817:The power of (and over) opinion 49:or discuss these issues on the 4198:John Russell, 1st Earl Russell 4162:John Russell, 4th Earl Russell 3835:Introduction to a 2004 edition 541:" argument. Russell explains: 416:, that is, power over people. 224:"Power: A New Social Analysis" 1: 4289:Books in political philosophy 4024:The Principles of Mathematics 2378:" in sociological literature. 1355:Positive and private morality 1143:Large economic organisations 1042:Organizations and individuals 297:Power: A New Social Analysis 16:1938 book by Bertrand Russell 4120:My Philosophical Development 4104:Power: A New Social Analysis 3749:Power: A New Social Analysis 3486:Columbia world of quotations 1883:Power, a new social analysis 1824:Power: A New Social Analysis 1713:Power: A New Social Analysis 1449:Bertrand Russell (1938:212) 1274:Bertrand Russell (1938:149) 1202:Non-meritocracies, nepotism 1038:happiness and well-being." 985:as soldiers of fortune, and 848:Bertrand Russell (1938:221) 4236:Professorship of Philosophy 3581:Journal of Economic History 1560:Bertrand Russell (1938:22) 1187:a) Solidity, sound judgment 1053: 798:by the use of naked power. 627:Bertrand Russell (1938:11) 502:have been sated. Then the 94:content into sub-articles, 4320: 4048:The Problems of Philosophy 3964:Russell–Einstein Manifesto 3731:. London: Michael Joseph. 3560:Griffin, Nicholas (2003). 3541:. In D. Cartwright (ed.). 3458:Understanding Human Nature 3355:, pp. viii, xxiv–xxv. 2636:dependency theory of power 1001:Structure of organisations 920: 827:power in the first place: 813:of others on the market. 637:to a ruler, and those who 308:Cover of the first edition 18: 4299:English non-fiction books 4284:Books by Bertrand Russell 4244: 4004: 3903: 3803:Sledd, Andrew E. (1994). 3696:Proposed Roads to Freedom 3645:Mills, C. Wright (1956). 3593:10.1017/S0022050700108265 1151:Democratic politician... 301: 4080:Why I Am Not a Christian 3927:Copleston–Russell debate 3859:20 February 2007 at the 3064:, pp. 176–177, 234. 2932:, pp. 219–220, 222. 2561:, pp. 130, 132–134. 787:the rule of three phases 743:Naked and economic power 662:well-developed sense of 404:, 328 pp.) is a work in 4279:Allen & Unwin books 3751:. New York: Routledge. 3672:Orwell, George (1998). 3543:Studies in Social Power 3536:"Bases of social power" 3004:, pp. 197, 230–31. 2296:, pp. 97–101, 107. 1985:Hodges & Gandy 1980 1523:tyranny of the majority 1173:a) A democracy at peace 400:(1st imp. London 1938, 4294:English-language books 4274:1938 non-fiction books 4221:Appointment court case 4206:(maternal grandmother) 4200:(paternal grandfather) 3989:Peano–Russell notation 3942:Theory of descriptions 3456:Adler, Alfred (1927). 3295:, pp. xxii–xxiii. 3283:, 204; emphasis added. 1898: 1878:, but ranging wider". 1752: 1655: 1470:Johann Gottlieb Fichte 906: 890: 523: 149:by rewriting it in an 4040:Principia Mathematica 2376:iron law of oligarchy 2331:historians of science 1893:Managerial Revolution 1887: 1747: 1653: 1501:Taming arbitrary rule 1218:competent individuals 1108:a) Uneducated society 902: 888: 578:lust for one's mother 539:master-slave morality 521: 19:For other books, see 1624:democratic socialism 1516:benevolent dictators 721:operant conditioning 692:emergency solidarity 456:economic determinism 209:improve this article 4156:Edith Finch Russell 4138:Alys Pearsall Smith 4088:Marriage and Morals 3919:Views on philosophy 3815:on 20 November 2008 3413:Carr & Cox 2001 3403:, pp. 313–314. 3211:, pp. 244–245. 3187:, pp. 242–251. 3163:, pp. 182–185. 3151:, pp. 179–182. 3115:, pp. 238–240. 2992:, pp. 229–230. 2968:, pp. 227–228. 2920:, pp. 216–218. 2883:, pp. 209–214. 2859:, pp. 215–216. 2820:, pp. 198–199. 2784:, pp. 192–193. 2772:, pp. 190–191. 2760:, pp. 188–189. 2748:, pp. 186–206. 2736:, pp. 154–159. 2724:, pp. 152–153. 2686:, pp. 150–151. 2674:, pp. 149–150. 2662:, pp. 166–168. 2650:, pp. 171–173. 2597:, pp. 166–171. 2390:, pp. 114–115. 2365:, pp. 123–125. 2353:, pp. 111–112. 1777:Which Way to Peace? 1735:collective hysteria 1571:entire human race. 1411:Philosophy of power 1240:Forms of governance 960:traditional power. 856:persuasive minority 811:satisfy the demands 535:Friedrich Nietzsche 298: 3727:Which Way to Peace 3016:, pp. 230–31. 2573:, pp. 25, 95. 2160:, pp. 24, 27. 2035:, 9, emphasis his. 1859:Edward Hallet Carr 1807:Russell, a famous 1803:Critical reception 1755:Historical context 1656: 1482:Creative evolution 1301:Hereditary landed 1111:b) Educated market 983:Napoleon Bonaparte 891: 524: 151:encyclopedic style 138:is written like a 4261: 4260: 4140:(wife, 1894–1921) 4002: 4001: 3994:Russell's paradox 3977: 3976: 3950: 3949: 3774:Russell, Bertrand 3745:Russell, Bertrand 3721:Russell, Bertrand 3692:Russell, Bertrand 3552:978-0-87944-230-9 3503:on 22 April 2009. 3496:978-0-231-10298-8 2609:, pp. 29–34. 2441:, pp. 39–40. 2248:, pp. 69–72. 2086:, pp. 13–17. 1974:, pp. 4, 95. 1817:social philosophy 1793:League of Nations 1664:freedom of speech 1564: 1563: 1506:diffuse and less 1453: 1452: 1371: 1370: 1328:ideological élite 1278: 1277: 1209: 1208: 1205:Power, not glory 1140:Economic magnate 1094:a) Priest or Sage 852: 851: 715:"; the "power of 631: 630: 555:social inequality 513:dominate the home 458:he attributes to 406:social philosophy 402:Allen & Unwin 393: 392: 362:Publication place 346:Allen & Unwin 336:Social philosophy 292: 291: 284: 274: 273: 259: 179: 178: 171: 121: 120: 64: 4311: 4251: 4250: 4231:Peace Foundation 4192:John Stuart Mill 4150:Patricia Russell 4010: 3979: 3969:Russell Tribunal 3956:Views on society 3952: 3937:Russell's teapot 3915: 3897:Bertrand Russell 3890: 3883: 3876: 3867: 3824: 3822: 3820: 3811:. 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2692: 2689: 2685: 2680: 2677: 2673: 2668: 2665: 2661: 2656: 2653: 2649: 2644: 2641: 2637: 2633: 2627: 2624: 2621:, p. 34. 2620: 2615: 2612: 2608: 2603: 2600: 2596: 2591: 2588: 2584: 2579: 2576: 2572: 2567: 2564: 2560: 2555: 2552: 2548: 2543: 2540: 2536: 2531: 2528: 2524: 2520: 2516: 2510: 2507: 2504:, p. 12. 2503: 2498: 2495: 2492:, p. 87. 2491: 2486: 2483: 2480:, p. 92. 2479: 2474: 2471: 2468:, p. 82. 2467: 2462: 2460: 2456: 2453:, p. 56. 2452: 2447: 2444: 2440: 2435: 2432: 2429:, p. 36. 2428: 2423: 2420: 2417:, p. 40. 2416: 2411: 2408: 2404: 2399: 2397: 2393: 2389: 2384: 2381: 2377: 2371: 2368: 2364: 2359: 2356: 2352: 2347: 2344: 2340: 2336: 2332: 2326: 2323: 2319: 2314: 2311: 2307: 2302: 2299: 2295: 2290: 2287: 2284:, p. 95. 2283: 2278: 2275: 2272:, p. 25. 2271: 2266: 2263: 2260:, p. 74. 2259: 2254: 2251: 2247: 2242: 2239: 2235: 2230: 2227: 2224:, p. 63. 2223: 2218: 2216: 2212: 2209:, p. 27. 2208: 2203: 2200: 2194: 2191: 2188:, p. 24. 2187: 2182: 2180: 2176: 2173:, p. 27. 2172: 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