472:
489:(May 31/June 1, 1916) saw the German fleet nearly sunk by the stronger British fleet. Only brilliant seamanship and luck allowed it to escape. Arguing this battle proved the validity of Mahanian doctrine, the navalists took control in the Senate, broke the House coalition, and authorized a rapid three-year buildup of all classes of warships. A new weapons system, naval aviation, received $ 3.5 million, and the government was authorized to build its own armor-plate factory. The notion that armaments led to war was turned on its head: refusal to arm in 1916 led Berlin to make war on the U.S. in 1917. The very weakness of U.S. military power encouraged Berlin to start its unrestricted submarine attacks in 1917. It knew this meant war with the United States, but it could discount the immediate risk because the U.S. Army was negligible and the new warships would not be at sea until 1919 by which time the war would be over, with Germany victorious.
323:, "The nerve of the war feeling centered ... In the richer and older classes of the Atlantic seaboard, and was keenest where there were French or English business and particularly social connections. The sentiment then spread out across the country as a class-phenonemon, touching everywhere those upper-class elements in each section who identified themselves with this Eastern ruling group... In every community, it was the least liberal and least democratic elements among whom the Preparedness and later the war sentiment was found."
485:
given $ 20 million to build a nitrate plant of its own. Preparedness supporters were downcast, the antiwar people were jubilant. The United States would now be too weak to go to war. Colonel Robert L. Bullard privately complained: "Both sides treat us with scorn and contempt; our fool, smug conceit of superiority has been exploded in our faces and deservedly." The House gutted the naval plans as well, defeating a "big navy" plan by 189 to 183, and scuttling the battleships. The
226:
124:
179:, one of New York's foremost corporation lawyers. For Cravath, in his mid-fifties when the war began, the conflict served as an epiphany, sparking an interest in international affairs that dominated his remaining career. Fiercely Anglophile, he strongly supported US intervention in the war and hoped that close Anglo-American cooperation would be the guiding principle of post-war international organization.
455:, president of Stanford University, redoubled their efforts, and now turned their voices against Wilson because he was "sowing the seeds of militarism, raising up a military and naval caste." Many ministers, professors, farm spokesmen and labor union leaders joined in, with powerful support from a band of four dozen southern Democrats in Congress who took control of the House Military Affairs Committee.
404:. Wilson believed that a massive military mobilization could only take place after a declaration of war, even though that meant a long delay in sending troops to Europe. Many Democrats felt that no American soldiers would be needed, only American money and munitions. Wilson had more success in his request for a dramatic expansion of the Navy. Congress passed the
331:, under which the fire is hot enough to fuse the elements into one common mass of Americanism." Furthermore, they promised, the discipline and training would make for a better-paid work force. The hostility to military service was so strong at the time it is difficult to imagine such a program winning approval; indeed, even in
348:), and too lacking in understanding of world affairs. The National Guard on the other hand was securely rooted in state and local politics, with representation from a very broad cross section of American society. The National Guard was one of the nation's few institutions that (at least in some northern states) accepted
391:, a biographer of Wilson, wrote: "Wilson's long silence about preparedness had permitted such a spread and such a hardening of antipreparedness attitudes within his party and across the nation that when he came in at late last to his task, neither Congress nor the country was amenable to much persuasion."
343:
Suggestions by labor unions that talented working-class youth be invited to
Plattsburgh were ignored. The preparedness movement was distant not only from the working classes but also from the middle class leadership of most of small town America. It had had little use for the National Guard, which it
339:
proposed a similar program of universal peacetime service, he was defeated. Underscoring its commitment, the preparedness movement set up and funded its own summer training camps (at
Plattsburgh, New York, and other sites) where 40,000 college alumni became physically fit, learned to march and shoot,
394:
In July 1915, Wilson instructed the Army and Navy to formulate plans for expansion. In
November, he asked for far less than the experts said was needed, seeking an army of 400,000 volunteers at a time when European armies were 10 times as large. Congress ignored the proposal and the Army remained at
374:
presidential candidates. More subtly, the
Democrats were rooted in localism that appreciated the National Guard, and the voters were hostile to the rich and powerful in the first place. Working with the Democrats who controlled Congress, Wilson was able to sidetrack the preparedness forces. Army and
463:
Wilson, in deep trouble, took his cause to the people in a major speaking tour in early 1916, a warm-up for his reelection campaign that fall. Wilson seems to have won over the middle classes, but had little impact on the largely ethnic working classes and the deeply isolationist farmers. Congress
421:
adopted many of the proposals of the preparedness leaders, especially their emphasis on a large federal reserves and abandonment of the
National Guard. Garrison's proposals not only outraged the localistic politicians of both parties, they also offended a strongly held belief shared by the liberal
438:
Garrison's plan unleashed the fiercest battle in peacetime history over the relationship of military planning to national goals. In peacetime, War
Department arsenals and navy yards manufactured nearly all munitions that lacked civilian uses, including warships, artillery, naval guns, and shells.
484:
Congress reached a compromise in May 1916. The army was to double in size to 11,300 officers and 208,000 men, with no reserves, and a
National Guard that would be enlarged in five years to 440,000 men. Summer camps on the Plattsburgh model were authorized for new officers, and the government was
416:
Wilson, less fearful of the navy, embraced a long-term building program designed to make the fleet the equal of the Royal Navy by the mid-1920s. "Realism" was at work here; the admirals were
Mahanians and they therefore wanted a surface fleet of heavy battleships second to none—that is, equal to
417:
Britain. The facts of submarine warfare (which necessitated destroyers, not battleships) and the possibilities of imminent war with
Germany (or with Britain, for that matter), were simply ignored. The Administration's proposals touched off a firestorm of antiwar protest. Secretary of War
206:. Preparedness backers proposed a national service program under which the 600,000 men who turned 18 every year would be required to spend six months in military training, and afterwards be assigned to reserve units. The small regular army would primarily serve as a training agency.
434:
blasted them, saying there was an unnamed "world-wide organization" that was "stimulating and fomenting discord in order that it may make profit out of the furnishing of munitions of war." The only road to peace was disarmament, reiterated Bryan, speaking for the antiwar
Democrats.
326:
While defenders of the Movement retorted that military "service" was an essential duty of citizenship, and that without the commonality provided by such service the nation would splinter into antagonistic ethnic groups. One spokesman promised that UMT would become "a real
143:
In 1915, a strong "preparedness" movement emerged. It argued that the United States needed to immediately build up strong naval and land forces for defensive purposes; an unspoken assumption was that the United States would fight sooner or later. General
422:
wing of the progressive movement. They felt that warfare always had a hidden economic motivation. Specifically, they warned the chief warmongers were New York bankers (like J. P. Morgan) with millions at risk, profiteering munition makers (like
375:
Navy leaders were forced to testify before Congress to the effect that the nation's military was in excellent shape. Wilson had to resist the demands for preparedness because there was a powerful anti-preparedness element of the party, led by
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and War displayed a "confusion, inattention to industrial preparation, and excessive deference to peacetime mores dangerously retarded the development of the armed services." Even more, Wilson was constrained by the traditional
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471:
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Very few young men from wealthy or prominent families considered a career in the army or navy then or at any time in American history. The highest social background of cadets, exemplified by
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were the driving forces behind the preparedness movement, along with many of the nation's most prominent bankers, industrialists, lawyers and scions of prominent families. There emerged an "
69:
in order to broker a compromise peace in Europe. Several organizations were formed around the Preparedness Movement and held parades and organized opposition to Wilson's policies. After the
198:. Emphasizing the weak state of national defenses, the movement showed that America's 100,000-man army, even augmented by the 112,000 National Guardsmen, was outnumbered 20 to one by the
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Another source of criticism of the Preparedness Movement and particularly its demands for "100% Americanism" came, quite understandably, from those increasingly dubbed
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468:, the Democratic mayor of Cleveland and an outspoken opponent of preparedness. (Garrison kept quiet, but felt Wilson was "a man of high ideals but no principles.")
367:
408:, which encapsulated the planning by the Navy's professional officers to build a fleet of top-rank status, but it would take several years to become operational.
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164:" foreign policy establishment, a group of influential Americans drawn primarily from upper-class lawyers, bankers, academics, and politicians of the
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Items available on the civilian market, such as food, horses, saddles, wagons, and uniforms were always purchased from civilian contractors.
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also raised the possibility that the Preparedness Movement may have been one of the multiple covert operations used by both French and
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213:, a series of summer training camps that in 1915 and 1916 hosted some 40,000 men largely of elite social classes, and the later
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immigrants and their descendants. Criticism from White ethnic circles occasionally argued that "100% Americanism" really meant
138:
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708:
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Zeiger, Susan. "The schoolhouse vs. the armory: US teachers and the campaign against militarism in the schools, 1914–1918."
744:
Susan Zeiger, "The schoolhouse vs. the armory: US teachers and the campaign against militarism in the schools, 1914–1918."
1078:
Dirk Steffen, "The Holtzendorff Memorandum of 22 December 1916 and Germany's Declaration of Unrestricted U-boat Warfare."
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430:, which made powder) and unspecified industrialists searching for global markets to control. Antiwar critics such as
195:
229:
The Socialist Party was a bulwark of opposition to the preparedness movement. (May Day parade, New York City, 1916).
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Elizabeth McKillen, "Pacifist Brawn and Silk‐Stocking Militarism: Labor, Gender, and Antiwar Politics, 1914–1918."
234:
43:
19:
This article is about the state of the U.S. military prior to entry in World War I. For disaster preparedness, see
1169:
Franz, Manuel. "Preparedness Revisited: Civilian Societies and the Campaign for American Defense, 1914–1920," in
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698:
202:, which was drawn from a smaller population. Reform to them meant UMT or "universal military training", i.e.
129:
88:
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100,000 soldiers. Wilson was severely handicapped by the weaknesses of his cabinet. According to Blum, his
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philosophy of world affairs—it believed that economic strength and military muscle were more decisive than
652:
Priscilla Roberts, "Paul D. Cravath, the First World War, and the Anglophile Internationalist Tradition."
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saw as politicized, localistic, poorly armed, ill trained, too inclined to idealistic crusading (as
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David Esposito, David. "Political and Institutional Constraints on Wilson's Defense Policy."
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Against the Specter of a Dragon: The Campaign for American Military Preparedness, 1914–1917
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Against the Specter of a Dragon: The Campaign for American Military Preparedness, 1914–1917
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148:(still on active duty after serving a term as Chief of Staff of the Army), ex-president
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62:
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To make democracy safe for America: patricians and preparedness in the Progressive Era
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The Struggle for Labor Loyalty: Gompers, the A. F. of L., and the Pacifists, 1917–1920
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The Watchdog of Loyalty: The Minnesota Commission of Public Safety during World War I
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The Watchdog of Loyalty: The Minnesota Commission of Public Safety during World War I
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saw the preparedness movement as a threat. Roosevelt, Root and Wood were prospective
250:
249:
churches and women's groups—protested the plan would make the United States resemble
157:
71:
883:
Simeon Larson, "The American Federation of Labor and the Preparedness Controversy."
16:
Political campaign to strengthen the U.S. military after the outbreak of World War I
1055:
The General: Robert L. Bullard and Officership in the United States Army, 1881–1925
465:
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84:
35:
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253:, which required two years' compulsory military service from every male citizen.
1194:
Herring, George (1964). "James Hay and the Preparedness Controversy, 1915–1916".
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start at once! Let all those people go who think that America is a new England!"
676:"The Plattsburg Movement: A Chapter of America's Participation in the World War"
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20:
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still refused to budge, so Wilson replaced Garrison as Secretary of War with
50:. Wood advocated a summer training school for reserve officers to be held in
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872:
Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in American War and Diplomacy
283:
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112:
104:
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859:
A World without War: How U.S. Feminists and Pacifists Resisted World War I.
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The Citizen Soldiers: The Plattsburg Training Camp Movement, 1913–1920
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from 100,000 men in 1916 to 200,000 on active duty and 400,000 in the
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80:
1207:
268:, as particularly demonstrated by escalating demands for both the "
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Citizen Soldiers: The Plattsburg Training Camp Movement, 1913–1920
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Citizen Soldiers: The Plattsburg Training Camp Movement, 1913–1920
470:
224:
122:
535:, West Point 1918, was oldest son of a locally prominent family.
340:
and ultimately provided the cadre of a wartime officer corps.
1255:
When Trumpets Call: Theodore Roosevelt after the White House
834:
America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience
111:, by 1921. It also padded a large long-term increase in the
65:, who believed the United States should be in a position of
1222:
Kennedy, Ross A., "Preparedness," in Ross A. Kennedy, ed.,
387:, chairman of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee.
1019:
Woodrow Wilson and World War I: A Burden Too Great to Bear
237:
was a bulwark of opposition to the preparedness movement.
290:
community, announced that his people would, "abandon the
103:
in June 1916 to authorize an increase in the size of the
1337:
Military history of the United States during World War I
965:
War Against War: The American Fight for Peace, 1914–1918
298:
did so. Meanwhile, Goldbeck argued, "Let the exodus of
1096:
The Holtzendorff Memo (English translation) with notes
543:
Portions of this article were ported from Citizendium
209:
This proposal ultimately failed, but it fostered the
1124:
To raise an army: The draft comes to modern America
1022:. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 69.
992:
Over Here: The First World War and American Society
806:
To raise an army: The draft comes to modern America
319:in order to bring America into the war against the
1131:
1233:Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, 1910–1917
217:that trained some 400,000 men from 1921 to 1940.
362:Presidency of Woodrow Wilson § Preparedness
276:. In a letter published on 16 July 1916 in the
61:The movement was at first opposed by President
1171:Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era
8:
475:Preparedness Parade, New York City, May 1916
1372:United States home front during World War I
898:Woodrow Wilson and the Politics of Morality
1327:Anti-German sentiment in the United States
654:Australian Journal of Politics and History
432:Wisconsin's Republican Senator La Follette
968:. Simon & Schuster. pp. 95–97.
837:. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 36.
561:Roosevelt, Theodore (2 December 2016).
553:
520:
1367:United Kingdom–United States relations
1342:Political history of the United States
937:Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era
274:English language in the United States
7:
1109:– encyclopedia article – Citizendium
305:Furthermore, in June 1917, anti-war
379:, women, Protestant churches, the
14:
619:"Fear God and take your own part"
590:"Fear God and Take Your Own Part"
383:, and Southern Democrats such as
352:on an equal footing with whites.
215:Citizens' Military Training Camps
95:, Wilson's attitude changed. The
1287:. University of Illinois Press.
1138:. University Press of Kentucky.
703:. University Press of Kentucky.
504:Citizens' Military Training Camp
190:crusades focused on causes like
182:The preparedness movement had a
152:, and former secretaries of war
1196:The Journal of Southern History
499:American entry into World War I
282:, Edward Goldbeck, a member of
260:; America's enormous number of
139:American entry into World War I
32:Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army
924:Presidential Studies Quarterly
272:" and for tolerating only the
1:
1224:A Companion to Woodrow Wilson
30:was a campaign led by former
1352:Presidency of Woodrow Wilson
780:Minnesota Historical Society
763:Minnesota Historical Society
674:Perry, Ralph Barton (2018).
509:Presidency of Woodrow Wilson
459:Wilson appeals to the people
402:American non-interventionism
381:American Federation of Labor
286:'s traditionally very large
175:A representative leader was
101:National Defense Act of 1916
1130:Clifford, J. Garry (1972).
1107:World War I, American entry
1080:Journal of Military History
1052:Allan Reed Millett (1975).
774:Carl. H. Chrislock (1991),
757:Carl. H. Chrislock (1991),
697:Clifford, J. Garry (1972).
196:national self-determination
168:, committed to a strand of
1398:
1311:Journal of Women's History
1281:Pearlman, Michael (1984).
1161:Finnegan, John P. (1975).
1122:Chambers, John Whiteclay.
746:Journal of Women's History
359:
136:
18:
1362:1915 in American politics
1357:1915 in the United States
1181:. Duke University Press.
1177:Grubbs, Frank L. (1968).
989:David M. Kennedy (2004).
831:Robert H. Zieger (2001).
804:John Whiteclay Chambers,
686:– via Google Books.
564:America and the World War
1332:British-American history
1258:. Simon & Schuster.
1230:Link, Arthur S. (1954).
1016:Richard Striner (2014).
911:The Republican Roosevelt
426:, which made armor, and
1042:Link, 1954 pp. 187–188.
995:. Oup USA. p. 33.
926:26.4 (1996): 1114–1125.
913:(2nd ed. 1977), p. 153.
531:, West Point 1909, and
411:
397:Secretaries of the Navy
130:The Battle Cry of Peace
38:, and former President
1377:World War I propaganda
1082:68.1 (2004): 215–224.
962:Michael Kazin (2017).
476:
377:William Jennings Bryan
230:
134:
97:United States Congress
46:after the outbreak of
1382:Plattsburgh, New York
1313:15.2 (2003): 150–179.
1173:17:4 (2018): 663–676.
817:John Garry Clifford,
748:15.2 (2003): 150–179.
735:33.3 (2008): 388–425.
656:2005 51(2): 194–215.
621:. New York G.H. Doran
617:Roosevelt, Theodore.
474:
360:Further information:
346:against Spain in 1898
228:
127:The advertisement of
126:
28:Preparedness Movement
874:(2012), pp. 240–245.
314:British Intelligence
270:Special Relationship
258:Hyphenated Americans
93:Columbus, New Mexico
83:on May 7, 1915, and
1058:. Greenwood Press.
887:37.1 (1974): 67–81.
765:Press. pp. 21, 337.
447:Peace leaders like
279:Minneapolis Journal
211:Plattsburg Movement
109:U.S. National Guard
1347:Theodore Roosevelt
909:John Morton Blum,
896:John Morton Blum,
857:Frances H. Early,
733:Peace & Change
639:John P. Finnegan,
598:. 13 February 1916
595:The New York Times
480:Compromise reached
477:
453:David Starr Jordan
451:of Hull House and
335:, when Stimson as
231:
172:internationalism.
150:Theodore Roosevelt
135:
42:to strengthen the
40:Theodore Roosevelt
1250:O'Toole, Patricia
1226:(2013) pp 270–86.
1065:978-0-8371-7957-5
808:(1987). pp. 96–98
664:Fulltext in Ebsco
569:Project Gutenberg
487:Battle of Jutland
406:Naval Act of 1916
350:African-Americans
296:English-Americans
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177:Paul D. Cravath
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939:(1954) p. 179.
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146:Leonard Wood
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119:The movement
85:Pancho Villa
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36:Leonard Wood
27:
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682:4 September
625:4 September
602:4 September
574:4 September
533:Lucius Clay
449:Jane Addams
329:melting pot
266:Anglophilia
245:—strong in
200:German Army
184:"realistic"
162:Atlanticist
99:passed the
52:Plattsburgh
48:World War I
21:Survivalism
1321:Categories
1294:0252010191
1265:0684864770
1236:. Harper.
1145:0813112621
795:pp. 92–93.
791:Chambers,
710:0813112621
548:References
372:Republican
247:Protestant
221:Opposition
188:idealistic
170:Anglophile
154:Elihu Root
79:by German
67:neutrality
952:pp. 179ff
885:Historian
662:0004-9522
356:Democrats
284:Minnesota
243:pacifists
192:democracy
113:U.S. Navy
105:U.S. Army
72:Lusitania
1274:56921011
1252:(2005).
493:See also
307:essayist
91:against
56:New York
1303:9196463
1216:2204278
1126:(1987).
1084:excerpt
861:(1997).
821:(2015).
251:Germany
81:U-boats
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643:(1975)
428:DuPont
292:hyphen
1212:JSTOR
1094:See
515:Notes
1299:OCLC
1289:ISBN
1270:OCLC
1260:ISBN
1238:OCLC
1183:OCLC
1150:OCLC
1140:ISBN
1060:ISBN
1024:ISBN
997:ISBN
970:ISBN
839:ISBN
715:OCLC
705:ISBN
684:2018
658:ISSN
627:2018
604:2018
576:2018
366:The
241:and
233:The
194:and
156:and
133:film
89:raid
77:sunk
75:was
26:The
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