Knowledge (XXG)

Rambouillet Agreement

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members of national communities; and for the establishment of a fair judicial system". They went on to say that "a political framework is now in place" leaving the further work of finalizing "the implementation Chapters of the Agreement, including the modalities of the invited international civilian and military presence in Kosovo". However, this assessment was at best overly optimistic, and at worst absolutely ignored the divergence of interests between the two major parties. The Albanians were unwilling to accept a solution that would retain Kosovo as part of Serbia, while the Serbs did not want to see the pre-1990 status quo restored, and they were implacably opposed to any international role in the governance of the province, including the offer of a face-saving measure wherein blue-helmeted UN peacekeeping troops would be used instead of NATO troops. To add to the problem, the NATO Contact Group countries were desperate to avoid having to make good on their threat of force—Greece and Italy were opposed to the idea. Consequently, when the talks failed to achieve an agreement by the original deadline of 19 February, they were extended by another month.
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NATO troops to maintain order in Kosovo; an unhindered right of passage for NATO troops on Yugoslav territory, including Kosovo; and immunity for NATO and its agents to Yugoslav law. In addition, NATO forces would have the right to use local roads, ports, railways, and airports without payment of duties, dues, tolls or charges, as well as the right to use the electromagnetic spectrum without payment. NATO would also have the right to requisition public facilities for its use free of cost. NATO forces would have the right to hire local personnel who upon employment with NATO would be exempt from local laws in respect to acts performed in their official capacity, national service obligations, local labor laws, and taxes on their salaries. Local infrastructure would be subjected to improvements or modifications to by NATO forces when deemed necessary to facilitate the mission. According to Tim Judah, the Serbian side used Annex B only later on as a reason for the failure of talks; at the time, the Serbs rejected any discussion of the involvement of foreign troops, let alone the extensive rights that would have been afforded them by Annex B.
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In the end, on 18 March 1999, the Kosovo Albanian, American and British delegation signed what became known as the 'Rambouillet Accords' while the Serbian and Russian delegations refused. The accords called for NATO administration of Kosovo as an autonomous region within Yugoslavia; a force of 30,000
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Kosovo was to have a constitutional court, a supreme court, district courts, and communal courts. The constitutional court and supreme court would each have 9 judges. An office of the prosecutor, led by a chief prosecutor, would be responsible for prosecuting individuals who violate the criminal laws
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wrote that as the Kosovo Albanian delegation signed the agreement on the 18th, the Yugoslav delegation boycotted the ceremony and declared its opposition to the plan and that military maneuvers were being planned, so that by March 20 there were more than 26,000 Serbian troops inside the province and
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were withdrawn on 22 March for fear of the monitors' safety ahead of the anticipated bombing by NATO. On 23 March, the Serbian assembly issued a resolution that condemned the withdrawal of the OSCE monitors, and accepted the principle of "autonomy" for Kosovo and non-military part of the agreement.
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of the negotiation process put out a statement saying that the negotiations "have led to a consensus" on substantial autonomy for Kosovo, including on mechanisms for free and fair elections to democratic institutions, for the governance of Kosovo, for the protection of human rights and the rights of
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Communal police units would be established throughout Kosovo with responsibility police patrols, crime prevention, criminal investigations, arrest and detention of criminal suspects, crowd control, and traffic control. Communal police officers may be equipped with a sidearm, handcuffs, a baton, and,
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Kosovo would have the authority to make laws in areas it has competence including levying taxes, instituting programs of economic, scientific, technological, regional and social development, and could conduct foreign relations within its area of responsibility in the same manner as a republic within
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For the Serbs, signing the Rambouillet agreement would actually have been signing away all Serbian sovereignty over Kosovo. It was not even a "take it or leave it" proposition, as Secretary of State Albright emphasized back in February 1999; rather, it was "sign it or get bombed." There were, in
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Kosovo was to have an 120 member assembly of which 80 would be directly elected. Of the remaining 40 members, 10 would be elected by communities representing between 0.5 and 5% and 30 would be shared equally between the Albanian and Serb communities. The assembly would be led by a president, two
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The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia would have competency over territorial integrity, maintaining a common market, monetary policy, defense, foreign policy, customs services, federal taxation, and federal elections. Serbia would have competence republic level elections in Kosovo. Kosovo would be
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The Rambouillet text, which called on Serbia to admit NATO troops throughout Yugoslavia, was a provocation, an excuse to start bombing. Rambouillet is not a document that an angelic Serb could have accepted. It was a terrible diplomatic document that should never have been presented in that
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a radio and would be required to wear a badge, picture identification, and name tag. Each unit would be led by a communal commander, appointed by the local communal assembly. A criminal justice administration would be established to coordinate law enforcement operations across Kosovo.
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A former hand on the State Department's Yugoslavia desk, George Kenney, reported in May 1999 that a senior State Department official had briefed journalists off the record that " deliberately set the bar higher than the Serbs could accept".
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Kosovo would have had a president elected by the assembly for a three year term renewable once. Executive power would be exercised by a government led by a prime minister, proposed by the president and confirmed by the assembly.
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The Rambouillet Agreement included provisions for creating a system of democratic self-governance in Kosovo. It would have established three branches of government, a system of local government and law enforcement institutions.
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of Kosovo. With the exception of immigration and customs related crimes, any person arrested within Kosovo would subject to the jurisdiction of the Kosovo courts. The rights and freedoms set forth in the
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entitled to at least 10 seats in the federal parliament and at least 20 seats in the Serbian parliament. The federal government would maintain border crossings at Kosovo's external borders with
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took over the leadership when he joined the delegation at the beginning of the second week of negotiations, on 13 February. The deligation included Federal Deputy Prime Minister
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Beginning of discussion (May 14, 1999 to June 8, 1999, specifically) of Appendix B of the Rambouillet Treaty on H-Diplo, the academic diplomatic history forum
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NATO leaders had expected that a brief bombing campaign would lead to Serb forces withdrawing from Kosovo, hence ending the humanitarian crisis; but
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on 18 March 1999. The delegation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia did not sign the agreement.
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may have gambled that his government and armed forces could withstand a few days of bombing without serious harm.
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fact, no negotiations at all, and no sovereign, independent state would have signed the Rambouillet agreement.
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Herring, Eric (2000). "From Rambouillet to the Kosovo Accords: NATO'S War against Serbia and Its Aftermath".
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the delegation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was initially led by Serbian Deputy Prime Minister
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Events proceeded rapidly after the failure at Rambouillet. The international monitors from the
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and would exercise authority in connection with the enforcement of federal immigration laws.
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would continue to exist and would elect their own assemblies and executive councils.
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institution would be established to protect human and community rights in Kosovo.
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In commentary released to the press, former United States Secretary of State
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The Rambouillet Accord: A Declaration of War Disguised as a Peace Agreement
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the Contact Group, which included representatives from the
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The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia
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another 15,000 stationed just beyond its eastern border.
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supports this view, asserting that the terms of the 1914
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Interim Agreement for Peace and Self-Government in Kosovo
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Interim Agreement for Peace and Self-Government in Kosovo
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Advisory opinion on Kosovo's declaration of independence
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2008 protests against Kosovo declaration of independence
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Kosovo and Serbia economic normalization agreements
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U.S. Department of State. 1 March 1999. 514:on behalf of "Kosovo" in the presence of 1004: 1367:2008 Kosovo declaration of independence 887: 640: 418:, Serbian Deputy Government Spokesman 135:on the one hand and the delegation of 852: 823: 472:On 23 February 1999, the co-chairmen 7: 1047:from the original on 1 October 2020. 582:Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia 147:on the other. It was drafted by the 1154:Full text of the proposed agreement 901:"Conclusions of Serbian parliament" 772:"Fact Sheet on Rambouillet Accords" 754:"Future Political Status of Kosovo" 685:Leiden Journal of International Law 654:"The Rambouillet text - Appendix B" 272:would apply directly in Kosovo. An 270:European Convention on Human Rights 27:Proposed peace agreement for Kosovo 1276:Liaison Office of Kosovo, Belgrade 839:. US State Department. March 1999. 321:. 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United Nations. 7 June 1999. 129:Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 1: 329:also took part in the talks. 1486:2012 North Kosovo referendum 1360:Death of the Bytyqi brothers 976:"Rolling Thunder: the Rerun" 498:The agreement was signed by 325:and German Foreign Minister 215:Proposed autonomy for Kosovo 1024:Kosovo: The Score 1999-2009 949:Clark, Christopher (2012). 610:Kosovo Verification Mission 1563: 1449:Serbian enclaves in Kosovo 1444:Political status of Kosovo 406:before Serbian President 157:1999 bombing of Yugoslavia 1461:Balkania (proposed state) 1314:Brussels Agreement (2013) 1066:10.1080/13642980008406901 1021:Hatchett, Ronald (2009). 697:10.1017/S0922156500000133 151:(NATO) and named for the 137:political representatives 98: 1411:2021 North Kosovo crisis 1345:Clark-Naumann agreement 1297:Kosovo–Serbia land swap 1255:Kosovo–Serbia relations 1131:10.1111/1468-2346.00069 615:Clark-Naumann agreement 143:majority population of 1396:2010 Mitrovica attacks 1324:Ohrid Agreement (2023) 1203:48.645389°N 1.817417°E 865:Wille, Tobias (2019). 574: 371:Kosovo Liberation Army 153:Château de Rambouillet 116: 113:Château de Rambouillet 1377:2008 unrest in Kosovo 1350:Rambouillet Agreement 1118:International Affairs 813:on 26 September 2007. 796:BBC, 6. 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Index

Rambouillet Accords
Peace agreement
Rambouillet
France
Robin Cook
Hubert VĂ©drine
English
Rambouillet Agreement

Château de Rambouillet
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Republic of Serbia
political representatives
Albanian
Kosovo
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Château de Rambouillet
1999 bombing of Yugoslavia
Albania
North Macedonia
European Convention on Human Rights
ombudsman
communes
British
Robin Cook
French
Hubert VĂ©drine
Madeleine Albright
Joschka Fischer
United States

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