History of Sinn Féin - Knowledge (XXG)

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in an effort to reassert its authority, the Goulding section began to call itself "Official IRA" and "Official Sinn Féin", but to no avail. Within two years the Provisionals had secured control, with the 'Officials' both North and South considered a 'discredited rump' and "regarded as a faction" by what was now the main body of the movement. Despite the dropping of the word 'provisional' at a convention of the IRA Army Council in September 1970, and becoming the dominant group, they are still known, "to the mild irritation of senior members" as Provisionals, Provos or Provies.

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1970 then, the terms 'Official IRA' and 'Regular IRA' were introduced by the press to differentiate Goulding's 'Officials' from Mac Stíofáin's 'Provisionals'. During 1971, the rival Sinn Féins played out their conflict in the press, with the Officials referring to their rivals as the "Provisional Alliance", while the Provisionals referred to the Officials (IRA and Sinn Féin) as the "NLF" (National Liberation Front). To add to the confusion both groups continued to call their respective political organisations in the North the "Republican Clubs".

780:. The "three Macs" believed that a political organisation was necessary to help rebuild the IRA. IRA members were instructed to join Sinn Féin en masse, and despite the IRA's small numbers following WW2, they were successfully able to fully take over the organisation. This takeover of Sinn Féin was made possible due to the weak state of Sinn Féin itself; the party had become a shell of its former self in the decades since the Fianna Fáil split. Paddy McLogan was named Sinn Féin president in 1950, with fellow IRA member 826: 1219:. Meetings between the SDLP and Sinn Féin began in January 1988 and continued during the year. Sinn Féin aimed at forming an alliance of Irish nationalist parties for the purpose of achieving self-determination for the whole of Ireland, but the SDLP insisted that this could only happen in the context of an end to IRA violence and the dropping of the demand for immediate British withdrawal. The talks broke up in September 1988 without any agreement being reached. In November 1991 97: 429:, twenty-five of them uncontested. The IPP, the largest party in Ireland for forty years, had not fought a general election since 1910; in many parts of Ireland its organisation had decayed and was no longer capable of mounting an electoral challenge. Many other seats were uncontested owing to Sinn Féin's mass support, with other parties deciding that there was no point in challenging Sinn Féin given that it was certain to win. 3460:

took were revokable. They proposed to call another convention within twelve months to ‘resolve the leadership of the movement. Until this happened they regarded themselves as a provisional organisation. Ten months later, after the September 1970 Army Council meeting, a statement was issued declaring that the "provisional" period was now officially over, but by then the, name had stuck fast.’ (Bishop and Mallie, p.137)

649: 1113: 1062:, under the by-line "Brownie", calling for Sinn Féin to become more involved politically and to develop more left-wing policies . Over the next few years, Adams and those aligned with him would extend their influence throughout the republican movement and slowly marginalise Ó Brádaigh, part of a general trend of power in both Sinn Féin and the IRA shifting north. In particular, Ó'Brádaigh's part in the 733:(IRA) soured and during the 1930s the IRA severed its links with the party. The party did not have a leader of the stature of Cosgrave or de Valera. Numbers attending the Ard Fheis had dropped to the mid-40s and debates were mainly dominated with issues such as whether members should accept IRA war pensions from the government. Mary MacSwiney left in 1934 when members decided to accept the pensions. 250:(party conference), and there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive. While some local councillors were elected running under the party banner in the 1911 local elections, by 1915 the party was, in the words of one of Griffith's colleagues, "on the rocks", and so insolvent financially that it could not pay the rent on its headquarters in Harcourt Street in Dublin. 974:. This motion would only have required a simple majority. As the (pro Goulding) IRA Army Council had already resolved to drop abstentionism, this was seen by the minority group (led by MacStiofain and Ó Brádaigh) as an attempt to subvert the party's constitution. They refused to vote and withdrew from the meeting. Anticipating this move by the leadership, they had already booked a hall in 44 475:

Another estimate suggests Sinn Féin had the support of approximately 65% of the electorate (unionists accounting for approximately 20–25% and other nationalists for the remainder). Lastly, emigration was difficult during the war, which meant that tens of thousands of young people were in Ireland who would not have been there under normal circumstances.

970:, where they knew them to be opposed. The motion was debated all of the second day, and when it was put to a vote at 5.30 p.m. the result was 153:104 in favour of the motion but failing to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority. The leadership then attempted to propose a motion in support of the (pro-Goulding) IRA Army Council, led by 928:

Protestant and Catholic working classes in class struggle against capitalism: it saw the sectarian troubles as fomented to divide and rule the working class. The split, when it finally did come, arose over the playing down of the role of the IRA and its inability to adequately defend the nationalist population in Northern Ireland in

936:) road, and abandon armed struggle. Some writers allege that "IRA" had been dabbed on walls over the north and was used to disparage the IRA, by writing beside it, "I Ran Away". Those in favour of a purely military strategy accused the leadership of rigging both the Army Convention, held in December at Knockvicar House in 1001:

in Derry in January 1972. These events produced an influx into the Provisionals on the military side, making them the dominant force and finally eclipsing the Officials everywhere while bringing hundreds into Ó Brádaigh's Sinn Féin. People began to flock to join the "Provos", as they were called, and

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was the continuing division between the Protestant and Catholic working classes. This they attributed to the 'divide and rule' policies of capitalism, whose interests a divided working class served. Military activity was seen as counterproductive since its effect was to further entrench the sectarian

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cite.’ Two leading commentators on the Provisionals noted: ‘The nomenclature, with its echoes of the 1916 rebels’ provisional government of the Irish Republic, reflected the delegates’ belief that the irregularities surrounding the extraordinary convention rendered it null and void. Any decisions it

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The leadership faction of the party was referred to as Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) – the offices of Sinn Féin for many years – and the other as Sinn Féin (Kevin Street), the location of the opposing offices. Both Goulding's IRA faction and Mac Stíofáin's group called themselves the IRA. At the end of

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led the abstentionist section opposing the motion. The conference instructed a joint committee of representatives from the two sections to arrange a basis for co-operation. That day it issued a statement declaring "the division within our ranks is a division of Republicans." The next day De Valera's

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Because twenty-five seats were uncontested under dubious circumstances, it has been difficult to determine what the actual support for the party was in the country. Various accounts range from 45% to 80%. Academic analysts at the Northern Ireland demographic institute (ARK) estimate a figure of 53%.

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Sinn Féin fielded 19 abstentionist candidates and won four seats and 6.5% of the popular vote. The introduction of internment and the establishment of military tribunals hindered the IRA campaign and it was called off in 1962. In the 1961 General Election the party won no seats and its vote dropped

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in April 1917, where his supporters and those of Griffith failed to reach consensus. When a split seemed imminent, O'Flanagan mediated an agreement between Griffith and Plunkett, and a group known as the Mansion House Committee was formed, tasked with organising forthcoming by-elections and sending

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the constitution was amended to remove the ban on the discussion of abstentionism, so as to allow Sinn Féin to run a candidate in the forthcoming European elections, although in his address Adams said, "We are an abstentionist party. It is not my intention to advocate change in this situation."" A

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platform. In April 1907, Cumann na nGaedheal and the Dungannon Clubs merged as the 'Sinn Féin League'. Negotiations continued until August when, at the National Council annual convention, the League and the National Council merged on terms favourable to Griffith. The resulting party was named Sinn

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However abstentionism was also a dominant feature of debate. Although Sinn Féin had taken seats at council level since the 1950s, many people in the party were becoming in favour of abandoning the policy, while a significant number were still opposed to taking seats in "partitionist parliaments."

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The first annual convention of the National Council on 28 November 1905 was notable for two things: the decision, by a majority vote (with Griffith dissenting), to open branches and organise on a national basis; and the presentation by Griffith of his 'Hungarian' policy, which was now called the

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The stated reason for the split in the IRA was "partition parliaments", however, the division was the product of discussions throughout the 1960s over the merits of political involvement as opposed to a purely military strategy. The political strategy of the leadership was to seek to unite the

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to the Constitution of the Irish Free State, which members of the new Dáil would be required to take, and which included a statement of fidelity to the British King, which many republicans found unacceptable. Supporters of the treaty argued that it gave "freedom to achieve freedom". In the

300:, a Sinn Féin organiser, on a policy of appealing for Irish independence at the post-war peace conference. Polling took place in heavy snow on 3 February 1917. Plunkett took the seat by a large majority, and surprised his audience by announcing he intended to abstain from Westminster. 978:, where they established a "caretaker executive" of Sinn Féin. The Caretaker Executive declared itself opposed to the ending of abstentionism, the drift towards "extreme forms of socialism", the failure of the leadership to defend the nationalist people of Belfast during the 1010:

Sinn Féin was given a concrete presence in the community when the IRA declared a ceasefire in 1975. 'Incident centres' were set up to communicate potential confrontations to the British authorities. They were manned by Sinn Féin, which had been legalised the year before by

681:, on a platform of republicanising the Free State from within. He took the great majority of Sinn Féin support with him, along with most of Sinn Féin's financial support from America. The remains of Sinn Féin fielded only 15 candidates and won only six seats in the 1163:

on 1 November 1986, it was clear that there would not be a split in the IRA as there had been in 1970. The motion was passed with a two-thirds majority. Ó Brádaigh and about twenty other delegates walked out, and re-convened in a Dublin hotel to form a new party,

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came to believe that abstentionism was not a workable tactic. In March 1926 the party held its Ard Fheis and de Valera proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial oath of allegiance was removed.

958:, Dublin, when the proposal to drop abstention was put before the members. The policy of abandoning abstentionism had to be passed by a two-thirds majority to change the party's constitution. Again, there were allegations of malpractice and that pro- 1454:. Despite the dropping of the word 'provisional' at a convention of the IRA Army Council in September 1970, and becoming the dominant group, they were still known, "to the mild irritation of senior members", as Provisionals, Provos or Provies. 839:

was elected president in 1962. His presidency marked a significant shift towards the left. The Wolfe Tone Directories were set up to encourage debate about policy. The directory attracted many left wing thinkers and people associated with the

1093:"Who here really believes we can win the war through the ballot box? But will anyone here object if, with a ballot paper in this hand and an Armalite in the other, we take power in Ireland?". This was the origin of what became known as the 388:

in July 1917, in an attempt to reach agreement on introducing all-Ireland Home Rule, Sinn Féin declined its allocated five seats on the grounds that the Convention did not allow debate on the full independence of Ireland. After the

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decisively swung support behind Sinn Féin. The British Government responded by arresting and interning the leading members of Sinn Féin and hundreds of others not involved in the organisation, accused of complicity in a fictitious

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to refrain from presenting an address to the king. The motion to present an address was duly defeated, but the National Council remained in existence as a pressure group to increase nationalist representation on local councils.

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in October 1917, where again the party nearly split between its monarchist and republican wings. De Valera was elected president, with Griffith and O'Flanagan as vice-presidents. A compromise motion was passed, which read:

448:, the Sinn Féin candidate, even though the IPP candidate had more votes. Potential candidates who were thought of as serious challengers to Sinn Féin candidates were warned against seeking election in some 1155:, but without the active support of the leadership, and Adams did not speak. The motion failed narrowly. By October of the following year an IRA Convention had indicated its support for elected Sinn Féin 884:

to investigate and caucus opinion about abstentionism, which favoured ending the policy. Many were concerned about the downplaying of the role of the IRA. Opponents of the move would galvanise around

1239:. Sinn Féin was excluded from these talks; however, talks between John Hume and Gerry Adams resumed about this time, and led to the 'Hume-Adams' document of April 1993. This was the basis of the 320:, imprisoned in Lewes jail for his part in the Rising, was elected on the slogan "Put him in to get him out". Over the summer of 1917, surviving members of the Rising were freed from prison by 1085:, and two IRA volunteers were also elected to Dáil Éireann. These successes helped convince republicans that they should contest more elections. Danny Morrison expressed the mood at the 1981 630:, Cumann na nGaedheal won 41% of the popular vote and 63 seats; the Anti-Treaty faction (standing as "Republican" and led by de Valera) secured 29% of the vote and 44 seats, but applied an 1275:

in 2007. In February 2020, the NI leadership attended a PSNI campaign event to encourage more Catholics to join the Police Service, resulting in dissident threats towards the leadership.

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divisions. If the working classes could be united in class struggle to overthrow their common rulers, it was believed that a 32-county socialist republic would be the inevitable outcome.

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De Valera denounced the Oath of Allegiance for making the King head, not just of the Commonwealth, but also of Ireland... Partition was not a major focus of the anti-treaty debate.

868:) de Valera's speech with criticisms over Fianna Fáil's poor provision of housing. Sinn Féin, which ran under the label "Republican Clubs" in the North, became involved with the 5581: 832:

took leadership of Sinn Féin in 1962 as part of a new guard of Irish Republicans who sought to take Sinn Féin back to the left after 20 years of pursuing a right-wing stance

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This kept the party's options open on the question of the constitutional form of an independent Ireland, although in practice it became increasingly republican in nature.

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The split in the IRA was followed by a split in Sinn Féin: Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) or 'Official' Sinn Féin, and Sinn Féin (Kevin Street) or 'Provisional' Sinn Féin.

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Sinn Féin has increased electoral success, overtaking the SDLP to become the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland in 2001, and securing the most votes in the

3798: 1220: 426: 2322: 3578: 4538: 1143:(SDLP). In the 1985 local elections it won fifty-nine seats on seventeen of the twenty-six Northern Ireland councils, including seven on Belfast City Council. 924:

There were parallel splits in the republican movement in the period 1969 to 1970; one in December 1969 in the IRA, and the other in Sinn Féin in January 1970.

2042:"Letter from Fr. Michael O'Flanagan to George Noble Plunkett, Count Plunkett, about a plan of organisation for Sinn Féin and about the spread of Sinn Féin" 5601: 467:

In Ulster, unionists won 23 seats, Sinn Féin 10 and the Irish Parliamentary Party won five (where they were not opposed by Sinn Féin). In the thirty-two

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supporters cast votes they were not entitled to. In addition, the leadership had also refused delegate status (voting rights) to a number of Sinn Féin

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with the help of the Sinn Féin publicity machine. After his death on hunger strike, his seat was held, with an increased vote, by his election agent,

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After the ending of the truce another issue arose—that of political status for prisoners. Rees released the last of the internees but introduced the

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Traditional republicans and opponents of abstentionism formed the "Provisional" Army Council in December 1969, after the split. Seán Mac Stiofáin,

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Walker, Clive (September 1988). "Political Violence and Democracy in Northern Ireland". Modern Law Review (Blackwell Publishing) 51 (5): 605–622.

1283: 1224: 1012: 807: 591:, the pro-treaty Sinn Féin candidates secured 38% of the first preference vote and 58 seats, against 21% and 35 seats for anti-treaty candidates. 309: 989:

With an intensification in the conflict the British government made a number of military decisions that had serious political consequences. The

5517: 4714: 4426: 795:, with the aim of creating a Catholic state, and opposed parliamentary democracy, advocating its replacement with a form of government akin to 422: 730: 4382: 4237: 4218: 4184: 3948: 3511: 3431: 2842: 2409: 2024: 704: 1176:, whose support had been of importance in the formation of the Provisional IRA, rejected the new policy and supported Republican Sinn Féin. 478:

On 21 January 1919, twenty-seven Sinn Féin MPs assembled in Dublin's Mansion House and proclaimed themselves the parliament of Ireland, the

1132: 5117: 4463: 1631: 1101:(seeking a federal United Ireland) was dropped in 1982, and the following year Ó Brádaigh stepped down as leader, to be replaced by Adams. 1033:

to announce republican policy, which was, in effect, IRA policy, namely that Britain should leave the North or the 'war' would continue".

3552: 191:('ourselves' or 'we ourselves') had been in use since the 1880s as an expression of separatist thinking, and was used as a slogan by the 686: 598:

erupted between the supporters of the Treaty and its opponents. De Valera and his supporters sided with the anti-Treaty IRA against the

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was not one of them – the IRA did not split in the new Northern Ireland and pro- and anti-Treaty republicans there looked to pro-Treaty

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policy. This meeting is usually taken as the date of the foundation of the Sinn Féin party. In the meantime, a third organisation, the

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in March 1918, when Britain threatened to impose conscription on Ireland to bring its decimated divisions up to strength, the ensuing

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President of Sinn Féin Éamon de Valera resigned from the party in 1926 and led the rump of the membership out of the party and into

3899: 1694:'Provisional' Sinn Féin (now generally known simply as Sinn Féin) ends the policy of abstention from Dáil Éireann; opponents under 529:

were controlled by Unionists, Fermanagh and Tyrone by the Nationalist Party, and in Galway and Waterford no party had a majority.

5622: 5084: 5074: 4473: 2616: 1727: 1663: 1094: 682: 293: 138: 130: 5182: 1611: 857: 548: 437: 313: 117:. An article by Griffith in that paper in March 1900 called for the creation of an association to bring together the disparate 487: 5502: 5127: 4744: 4568: 2461: 2393: 1739: 1659: 1639: 1252: 1180: 575: 564: 547:

negotiations between representatives of the British Government and the republican government in December 1921 and the narrow

337: 243: 3850: 483: 471:, twenty-four (24) returned only Sinn Féin candidates. In the nine counties of Ulster, unionists polled a majority in four. 2576:

Maria Luddy, 'MacSwiney, Mary Margaret (1872–1942)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004

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in 1948, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the direct successor of the Sinn Féin of 1917.

4206: 4072: 3921: 2333: 579: 208: 169:, and proposed that Irish MPs should follow the same course. These were published later that year in a booklet entitled 5487: 1279: 979: 811: 718: 627: 584: 397: 378: 329: 171: 4563: 1683: 1436: 607: 1263:. The Agreement saw Sinn Féin drop some long-held positions, e.g. on the viability of a Stormont government and the 1199:, to try to initiate direct talks between Sinn Féin and the other nationalist parties, north and south. On becoming 281:. Any group that disagreed with mainstream constitutional politics was branded 'Sinn Féin' by British commentators. 5437: 5272: 5267: 5172: 5122: 5112: 4483: 4419: 4374: 4361: 2401: 1743: 1540: 1260: 1240: 864:, a veteran of the Easter Rising, was ejected from a function commemorating the Rising, as he had interrupted (now 841: 506: 374: 246:, Sinn Féin secured 27% of the vote. Thereafter, both support and membership fell. Attendance was poor at the 1910 122: 4669: 2643: 1695: 1461: 893: 885: 5347: 5187: 4488: 1715: 1287: 1232: 227: 5477: 4816: 4292: 944: 5362: 4946: 4907: 4194: 1509:

This is a summary of the splits and mergers from the initial Sinn Féin party and the IRA and their successors.

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at the 1902 Cumann na nGaedheal convention. A second organisation, the National Council, was formed in 1903 by

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Murphy, Niall (2014). "'Social Sinn Féin and Hard Labour': the journalism of WP Ryan and Jim Larkin 1907–14".

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for leadership (and weapons). The principal reason for the split is usually described as the question of the

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Partition scarcely intruded into the treaty debate, so obsessed were deputies with the oath of allegiance.

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Having achieved that status the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government.

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in June (when Fr. O'Flanagan was suspended by the Catholic Church for making his "Suppressed Speech").

297: 34:, often mistranslated as "Ourselves Alone") is the name of an Irish political party founded in 1905 by 3824: 752:. An attempt in the 1940s to access funds which had been put in the care of the High Court led to the 5402: 5257: 4478: 4142: 4119: 1774: 1579: 1268: 1264: 1128: 998: 919: 865: 777: 690: 571: 433: 352:

Sinn Féin aims at securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish republic.

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pg. 252, The Transformation of Ireland 1900–2000, Diarmaid Ferriter, Profile Books, London 2005,

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1947–1962, the era of the "Three Macs", the rightward swing of Sinn Féin, and the border campaign

626:. The Civil War ended in May 1923, when the anti-Treaty IRA stood down and "dumped arms". In the 544: 522: 192: 142: 55: 5467: 5377: 5252: 5247: 5102: 4754: 4629: 4624: 4619: 4344: 1595: 1367: 1361: 1335: 714: 710: 661: 635: 325: 3500: 5357: 5337: 5292: 5262: 5212: 5142: 5080: 5070: 4917: 4886: 4866: 4851: 4719: 4679: 4378: 4300: 4252: 4233: 4214: 4180: 4172: 4160: 4146: 4123: 4100: 4058: 4040: 4021: 3997: 3944: 3738: 3706: 3700: 3631: 3558: 3507: 3450: 3427: 3419: 3399: 3367: 3347: 3311: 3299: 3287: 3275: 3255: 3243: 3231: 3199: 3187: 3175: 3137: 3110: 3078: 3058: 3038: 3026: 3014: 2994: 2982: 2962: 2950: 2938: 2918: 2906: 2894: 2882: 2870: 2858: 2838: 2818: 2786: 2774: 2762: 2750: 2730: 2710: 2672: 2649: 2622: 2598: 2457: 2405: 2224: 2218: 2190: 2152: 2126: 2099: 2071: 2020: 1924: 1920: 1486: 1256: 1188: 990: 614:. On 6 December 1922, when the new state came into being, pro-Treaty Sinn Féin TDs formed the 494: 445: 441: 317: 218:

By 1907, there was pressure on the three organisations to unite—especially from the US, where

118: 96: 39: 2451: 2184: 2168: 2120: 2001: 1131:, the first Sinn Féin member to sit on that body. Sinn Féin polled over 100,000 votes in the 803:, but rejected fascism as they considered a fascist state to be too secular and centralized. 5560: 4749: 4644: 4323: 2364: 2096:

They Have Fooled You Again: Michael O'Flanagan (1876-1942) Priest, Republican, Social Critic

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Féin, and its foundation was backdated to the National Council convention of November 1905.

176: 940:, and the vote on abandoning the policy of abstentionism and defence of nationalist areas. 265:

Although it was blamed for it by the British government, Sinn Féin was not involved in the

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In 1994, the IRA announced a ceasefire, paving the way for Sinn Féin's involvement in the

1204: 1196: 1058: 1045: 959: 860:, protests against ground-rent landlordism, and in the co-operative movement. In one case 713:

was elected president in place of de Valera and remained in this position until 1931 when

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Irish republicanism and socialism: the politics of the republican movement, 1905 to 1994

768:. The leadership became dominated by three figures, known jokingly as the "three Macs", 5482: 5452: 5417: 5412: 5407: 5397: 5222: 5202: 5167: 4995: 4964: 4922: 4876: 4821: 4739: 4503: 4088: 1599: 1419:

In 1970, there was a split within the party, the resultant parties being referred to as

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leader MacSwiney announced that the party simply did not have the funds to contest the

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in 1904, which outlined how the policy of withdrawing from the imperial parliament and

63: 3310:, Tim Pat Coogan, HarperCollins Publishers London 2000 (Fully Revised & Updated), 2961:, Tim Pat Coogan, HarperCollins Publishers London 2000 (Fully Revised & Updated), 2817:, Tim Pat Coogan, HarperCollins Publishers London 2000 (Fully Revised & Updated), 2773:, Tim Pat Coogan, HarperCollins Publishers London 2000 (Fully Revised & Updated), 784:

named vice-president, signalling the IRA's complete control of the party's apparatus.

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The party began a reappraisal of the policy of abstention from the Dáil. At the 1983

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and Seamus Twomey and others established themselves as a "Provisional Army Council".

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Under Adams's leadership, electoral politics became increasingly important. In 1983

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Matters were not helped by a report from the Garland Commission, a committee led by

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During the 1930s Sinn Féin did not contest any elections. Its relationship with the

648: 5507: 5472: 5382: 5197: 5177: 5137: 5048: 4796: 4468: 4068: 3917: 982:, and the expulsion of traditional republicans by the leadership during the 1960s. 967: 929: 915: 907: 845: 792: 765: 362: 75: 4435: 1451: 1267:. Many in Sinn Féin disagreed with its path and left the party, becoming known as 493:

In the 1920 city council elections, Sinn Féin gained control of ten of the twelve

27: 4327: 3874:"Assembly election: Sinn Féin wins most seats as parties urged to form Executive" 1159:(TDs) taking their seats. Thus, when the motion to end abstention was put to the 1119:

became President of Sinn Féin in 1983, a position he'd go on to hold for 35 years

490:. From August 1921, de Valera used the title of President of the Irish Republic. 5565: 5447: 5442: 5432: 5427: 5387: 5332: 5132: 4831: 4764: 4674: 4493: 3872:

McClements, Freya; Graham, Seanín; Hutton, Brian; Moriarty, Gerry (7 May 2022).

1480: 1169: 1124: 1116: 1112: 1082: 1074: 1053: 1021: 1016: 955: 849: 788: 518: 457: 366: 273:

were looking for more than the Sinn Féin proposal of a separation stronger than

17: 4285:

Afterimage of the revolution: Cumann na nGaedheal and Irish politics, 1922–1932

2041: 125:

was formed at the end of 1900. Griffith first put forward his proposal for the

5540: 5497: 5457: 5302: 5000: 4969: 4938: 4836: 4826: 4788: 1615: 769: 745: 369:—won three by-elections in early 1918. Sinn Féin came back with victories for 219: 134: 83: 74:. Another split in the remaining Sinn Féin organisation in the early years of 2453:

Irish Voters Decide: Voting Behaviour in Elections and Referendums Since 1918

4759: 4508: 4080: 3851:"Sinn Fein surged in Ireland's election. Here's why that's so controversial" 2560: 2496: 2300: 1742:

split from Sinn Féin in response to engagement in the Peace Talks, with the

1619: 1200: 1192: 1184: 344: 328:

overcame his reluctance to enter electoral politics, when he was elected in

67: 51: 2425: 2068:

For Ireland and Freedom: Roscommon and the Fight for Independence 1917-1921

707:, declaring "no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties". 432:

Contemporary documents also suggest a degree of intimidation of opponents.

3274:, J Bowyer Bell, Poolbeg Press Ltd. Ireland 1997 (revised Third Edition), 3216:

The Lost Revolution – the story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party

3095:

The Lost Revolution – the story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party

3013:, J Bowyer Bell, Poolbeg Press Ltd. Ireland 1997 (revised Third Edition), 2893:, J Bowyer Bell, Poolbeg Press Ltd. Ireland 1997 (revised Third Edition), 2749:, J Bowyer Bell, Poolbeg Press Ltd. Ireland 1997 (revised Third Edition), 417:

Sinn Féin vote share in Irish constituencies in the 1918 general election.

222:

offered funding, but only to a unified party. The pressure increased when

5032: 4230: