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Nazi regime was an inevitable outcome of German history, rather than an aberration. The book was written during the later stages of World War II and reflects the author's attempt to understand and explain the rise of Adolf Hitler and the
National Socialist movement within the broader context of German history. "The Course of German History" has sparked considerable debate among historians and scholars for its deterministic view of history and its controversial interpretations. Despite criticisms, it remains a seminal and widely discussed work in the field of German studies and historiography, noted for its engaging narrative style and its challenge to traditional views on German history.
340:. Namier approved of Taylor's thesis but criticised his style: "His combination of ruggedness and impressionable vivacity renders him also impatient of the careful labour of perfecting and polishing - he discovers precious stones by the handful, and puts them half-cut into circulation.... The basic ideas of Mr. Taylor's book are sound, but would have profited by further careful examination and unfolding... the book should prove of high value in the study of the German problem".
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success of the revolution discredited conservative ideas; the failure of the revolution discredited liberal ideas. After it, nothing remained but the idea of Force, and this idea stood at the helm of German history from then on. For the first time since 1521, the German people stepped on to the centre of the German stage only to miss their cue once more. German history reached its turning-point and failed to turn. This was the fateful essence of 1848.
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in July 1945. This influential work offers a critical examination of German history, spanning from the Holy Roman Empire through to the end of World War II, arguing that the course of German history was a natural progression towards militarism and dictatorship. Taylor provocatively suggests that the
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member of the 1906 Parliament; in both capacities he was convinced of the civilised character of
Germany and this influenced all his scholarship. Germany appeared to him a power like any other, with some faults, but more grievances". Taylor believed that by 1942 it was clear that it was not the case
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remarked: "The profound is mixed with the wisecrack. It has the shortcomings of its virtue. It will shock the scholarly reader but it must challenge him too.... A returning
American scholar reports that it challenges equally German historians, some of whom admit that it will make them rethink their
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was outraged by the book and wrote to Gooch that during the Third Reich: "German scholars had been ashamed and boiled inwardly at the nonsense written about
England, and that no academic historian - as far as I know - had participated. I am correspondingly dismayed and alarmed that even in Oxford,
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1848 was the decisive year of German, and so of
European, history: it recapitulated Germany's past and inspired Germany's future.... Never has there been a revolution so inspired by a limitless faith in the power of ideas: never has a revolution so discredited the power of ideas in its result. The
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is a history of extremes. It contains everything except moderation, and in the course of a thousand years the
Germans have experienced everything except normality". The "German problem" in Taylor's view had two sides: how can Europe be protected against repeated German aggression, and how can the
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failed to live up to their revolutionary rhetoric: "When, in 1933, the moment came for the
Communists to undertake the battle in the streets to which they had so often appealed, it turned out that they were old-style parliamentary talkers like all the rest". Taylor views that the
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in striving for German supremacy in Europe and beyond; where he differed from the Pan-Germans was in believing that this supremacy could not be won by military power, but must be achieved by the weight of German industry and the preponderance of German organizing power".
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and that "the new generation of historians has now the obligation to make a new analysis of the underlying forces in Europe which will be closer to reality and so prepare a
British policy which will suffer from fewer illusions and make fewer mistakes".
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informed history should be displaced in such a high measure by politically motivated history". Gooch replied that Taylor was the only really anti-German
British historian and was not to be taken too seriously.
315:, which recognised the Franco-German frontier, he declared... that his main purpose in signing was to secure revision of Germany's frontiers to the east. Stresemann agreed with the most extreme
349:, the reviewer praised the book until 1919 but criticised Taylor's chapters on the interwar years: "It is too facile an attempt to discover some continuity in German history which can compare
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Taylor also noted the repeated failure of the German left to choose a democratic
Germany when the choice was between democracy and unity. In his discussion of the
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The book was written in 1944, and published two months after the war with Germany had ended. In the introduction, Taylor wrote the book was a
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and claimed that it was serious history but that but for the war it would not have been written. He argued: "The history of the
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The book was a success with the public and sold over 6000 copies in the first few months. It received mixed reviews, however.
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was so used to exacting concessions from the government to protect the Catholic Church that they had no power to oppose.
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Germans secure a peaceful form of political existence?
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Troublemaker: The Life and History of A. J. P. Taylor
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222:. It was first published in the United Kingdom by
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243:in 1942, Taylor wrote, "Gooch was a pupil of
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604:The Struggle for Mastery in Europe 1848–1918
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536:(London: Yale University Press, 2000).
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624:The Origins of the Second World War
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103:April 2024
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324:Reception
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440:24 April
379:See also
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256:Content
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