User:Steven Crossin/Mediation/Prem Rawat/Proposal2

1286:

charismatic mode to either traditional or legal-traditional rational structures. When a movement becomes established, there is a strong tendency for the organization to calcify around the memory of the early dynamism; its own tradition becomes the rationalization for why things should be done in a certain way. Early stages of a movement organization involve simple structures such as the charismatic leader and followers or leader, core followers, and other followers. The transition to legal-rational structures is typically accompanied by the elaboration and standardization of procedures, the emergence of specialized statuses and roles, and the formalizing of communication among members. The early years of the Divine Light Mission (DLM) in the United States were characterized by rapidly growing, loosely affiliated local ashrams (i.e., groups of devotees, usually living communally), united mainly by the devotion to the ambiguous charismatic figure of Guru Maharaj Ji. As the DLM became increasingly structured and centralized, leadership and power focused in the Denver headquarters. The guru's desire to consolidate his power and authority over the movement in the United States resulted in greater formalization: rules and regulation for ashram living, standards for recruited "candidates", and pressure toward certifying movements teachers. " (Thomas Pilarzyk ‘’The origin, development, and decline of a youth culture religion: An application of the sectarianization theory’’ in Review of Religious Research 20,

363:, that is, in Weber's sociological analysis, the compound of factors with which charismatic authority can be consolidated and which ultimately leads to a more formalized or bureaucratic type of leadership: Schnabel remarks that although Rawat's charisma was partly routinized as it resulted from a heriditary succession, this type of routinization played a negligible role for his Western followers. McGuire sees multiple elements of formalization resulting from Rawat's desire to consolidate his power and authority over the movement in the United States. In 2006 Geaves writes that Rawat could only be defined as charismatic in the sense of charisma having an antagonistic relationship with tradition. 233:, a professor of religion and one of the earliest Western students of Prem Rawat, writes that Rawat himself has stated that he does not consider himself to be a charismatic figure, preferring to refer to his teachings and the efficacy of the practice of the four techniques on the individual as the basis for his authority. Hunt describes Rawat's charisma in a similar manner, observing that the notion of spiritual growth is not derived, as is traditionally the case with other gurus, from his personal charisma, but from the nature of his teachings and the benefits to the individuals applying them. 173:, a professor of religion and one of the earliest Western students of Prem Rawat, writes that Rawat himself has stated that he does not consider himself to be a charismatic figure, preferring to refer to his teachings and the efficacy of the practice of the four techniques on the individual as the basis of his authority.Hunt, describes Rawat's charisma in a similar manner, observing that the notion of spiritual growth is not derived, as is traditionally the case with other gurus, from his personal charisma, but from the nature of his teachings and the benefits to the individuals. 277:, but no less charismatic. Schnabel remarks that although Rawat's charisma was partly routinized as it resulted from a hereditary succession, this type of routinization played a negligible role for his Western followers; there, his charisma was primarily the result of careful staging supported by a whole organization. Meredith McGuire sees formalization resulting from Rawat's desire to consolidate his power and authority over the movement in the United States. Lucy DuPertuis, a sociologist and follower who assisted 497:, adherents' first-hand experiences of the Master, and communal accounts and discussions of the Master among devotees. Her ultimate assertion is that imputation of charisma is an active, conscious, changing process which, in this context, involves non-cognitive modes of perception. She also observed that Rawat's charisma did not prevent some devotees from discovering that they had learned the "experience of God" on their own, and to drift away, not in disillusionment but in fulfillment. 291:, adherents' first-hand experiences of the Master, and communal accounts and discussions of the Master among devotees. Her ultimate assertion is that imputation of charisma is an active, conscious, changing process which, in this context, involves non-cognitive modes of perception. She also observed that Rawat's charisma did not prevent some devotees from discovering that they had learned the "experience of God" on their own, and to drift away, not in disillusionment but in fulfillment. 425:

general public. Bromley describes Prem Rawat and other founders of new religions as being held in awe by their early followers, who ascribe extraordinary powers to them that set them apart from other human beings – in the words of Max Weber, a "prophet" or bearer of charisma who proclaims alternative or new revelations. Bromley asserts that recent scholarship gives emphasis to social construct aspects of charisma, rather than relying solely on individual personality.

429:

that charisma did not prevent some devotees from discovering that “they had learned the "experience of God" on their own, and to drift away, not in disillusionment but in fulfilment”. Pilarzyk, observed that the distribution of power and authority in the DLM was both officially and symbolically based on what Pilarzyk termed the “somewhat ambiguous charismatic appeal of guru Maharaj Ji”. Pilarzyk considered that “the development of the DLM in America had substantiated

616:(p. 101-102:) Tegelijkertijd betekent dit echter charismatisch leiderschap als zodanig tot op zekere hoogte ensceneerbaar is. Maharaj Ji is daar een voorbeeld van. In zekere zin gaat het hier om geroutiniseerd charisma (erfopvolging), maar voor de volgelingen in Amerika en Europa geldt dat toch nauwelijks: zij waren bereid in juist hem te geloven en er was rond Maharaj Ji een hele organisatie die dat geloof voedde en versterkte. 405:.. This type of leadership, in Weber's words, is "resting on devotion to the exceptional sanctity, heroism or exemplary character of an individual person, and of the normative patterns or order revealed or ordained by him." In Rawat's case, the factor "exemplary character" is seen as irrelevant by Schnabel who characterized Rawat as materialistic, pampered and intellectually unremarkable compared to 352:. This type of leadership, in Weber's words, is "resting on devotion to the exceptional sanctity, heroism or exemplary character of an individual person, and of the normative patterns or order revealed or ordained by him." In Rawat's case, the factor "exemplary character" is seen as irrelevant: Schnabel characterized Rawat as materialistic, pampered and intellectually unremarkable compared to 160:

general public. Bromley describes Prem Rawat and other founders of new religions, as being held in awe by their early followers, who ascribed to them extraordinary powers that set them apart from other human beings—in the words of Max Weber, a "prophet" or bearer of charisma who proclaims alternative or new revelations. Bromley asserts that recent scholarship gives emphasis to

222:

general public. Bromley describes Prem Rawat and other founders of new religions as being held in awe by their early followers, who ascribed extraordinary powers to them that set them apart from other human beings – in the words of Max Weber, a "prophet" or bearer of charisma who proclaims alternative or new revelations. Bromley asserts that recent scholarship gives emphasis to

504:

298:

110:, a Professor of Religion at Liverpool Hope University in England who is one of the earliest Western students of Prem Rawat, writes that Prem Rawat himself has stated that he does not consider himself to be a charismatic figure, preferring to refer to his teachings and the efficacy of the practice of the four techniques on the individual as the basis of his authority. 211:, but no less charismatic. Schnabel stated that Rawat's charisma was in a certain sense routinized (inherited) charisma, but that this was hardly a factor for how he was perceived by his Western following; there, his charisma was primarily the result of careful staging supported by a whole organization. Lucy Dupertuis, chair of the department of sociology at the 153:, describes Rawat's role as Master as emerging from both theological and experiential aspects, and as not being the sole focus or generator of charisma; he also observed that charisma was not an impediment for some devotees to discover that they have learned the "experience of God" on their own and drift away, not in in disillusionment but in fulfillment. 215:, describes Rawat's role as a Master as emerging from both theological and experiential aspects, and as not being the sole focus or generator of charisma; she also observed that charisma did not prevent some devotees from discovering that they had learned the "experience of God" on their own, and to drift away, not in disillusionment but in fulfillment. 164:

aspects of charisma, rather than relaying solely on individual personality. Pylarzyc observed that the distribution of power and authority in the DLM, was officially based on the charismatic appeal of Maharaj Ji, which he describes as being somewhat ambiguous, and that many followers were not certain

503:

describes the difficulty of a charismatic leader in proving to be above normal human failings such as not to suffer ill health or indulge in worldly pursuits. He presents Rawat's marriage as such a situation, which is then exploited by the media to discredit charismatic claimants in the eyes of the

424:

refers to the difficulty of a charismatic leader in proving to be above normal human failings such as not to suffer ill health or indulge in worldly pursuits. He presents Rawat's marriage as such a situation, which is then exploited by the media to discredit charismatic claimants in the eyes of the

297:

226:

aspects of charisma, rather than relying solely on individual personality. Pylarzyc observed that the distribution of power and authority in the DLM was officially based on the charismatic appeal of Maharaj Ji, which he describes as being somewhat ambiguous, and that many followers were not certain

221:

528:

that has developed around him. He further writes that Rawat himself has stated that he does not consider himself to be a charismatic figure, preferring to refer to his teachings and the efficacy of the practice of the four techniques on the individual as the basis for his authority, and that Rawat

322:

159:

describes the difficulty of a charismatic leader in proving to be above normal human failings such as not suffer ill health or indulge in worldly pursuits, and presents Rawat's marriage as such a situation, which is then exploited by the media to discredit charismatic claimants in the eyes of the

626:

At the same time, this means however that charismatic leadership, as such, can be staged to a certain degree. Maharaj Ji is an example of this. Certainly, Maharaj Ji's leadership can be seen as routinized charisma (hereditary succession), but for the followers in America and Europe this is hardly

508:

aspects of charisma, rather than relying solely on individual personality.Thomas Pilarzyk, a sociologist, wrote in a 1978 paper that the distribution of power and authority in the DLM was officially based on the charismatic appeal of Maharaj Ji, which he describes as being somewhat ambiguous, and

428:

Dupertuis, working from the statement that “in Weber's formulations, charisma clearly appears in the eyes of the beholders” concluded that Rawat's role as a Master emerged from both theological and experiential aspects, and was not the sole focus or generator of charisma. Dupertuis also observed

302:

1285:

Chapter. 5 "The dynamics of religious collectivities", section “How Religious Collectivities Develop and Change’’, sub-section "Organizational Transformations" page 175 "As Weber pointed out, the long-term impact of a movement hinges on transformation of bases of authority and leadership from a

380:

Lucy DuPertuis, a sociologist, describes Rawat's role as a Master as emerging from three interrelated phenomena: traditional or theological definitions of Satguru, adherants' first-hand experiences of the Master, and communal accounts and discussions of the Master among devotees. Her ultimate

433:

contention that cults are inherently fragile social institutions which are constrained from effective institutionalization by internal factors”. McGuire, referencing Pilarzyk, and noting Weber, saw multiple elements of formalization resulting from Rawat's desire to consolidate his power and

482:

as it resulted from a hereditary succession, this type of routinization played a negligible role for his Western followers; there, his charisma was primarily the result of careful staging supported by a whole organization. Meredith McGuire sees formalization resulting from Rawat's desire to

413:

states that "Rawat is not a renunciate" and "he has gone to great lengths to assert his humanity and deconstruct the hagiography that has developed around his life." Geaves also asserts that in a Weberian context Rawat could only be defined as charismatic in the sense of charisma having an

148:

but no less charismatic. Schnabel stated that Rawat's charisma was in a certain sense routinized (inherited) charisma, but that this was hardly a factor for how he was perceived by his Western following; there, his charisma was primarily the result of careful staging supported by a whole

104:

but no less charismatic. Schnabel stated that Rawat's charisma was in a certain sense routinized (inherited) charisma, but that this was hardly a factor for how he was perceived by his Western following. There, his charisma was primarily the result of careful staging supported by a whole

986:

Geaves, Ron, Globalization, charisma, innovation, and tradition: An exploration of the transformations in the organisational vehicles for the transmission of the teachings of Prem Rawat (Maharaji), 2006, Journal of Alternative Spiritualities and New Age Studies, 2

887:

668:

515:

observes that in Rawat's case the notion of spiritual growth is not derived — as is traditionally the case with other gurus — from his personal charisma, but from the nature of his teachings and the benefits to the individuals applying them.

309:

262:. This type of leadership, in Weber's words, rests "on devotion to the exceptional sanctity, heroism or exemplary character of an individual person, and of the normative patterns or order revealed or ordained by him." 463:. This type of leadership, in Weber's words, rests "on devotion to the exceptional sanctity, heroism or exemplary character of an individual person, and of the normative patterns or order revealed or ordained by him." 1080:, Ch. 5 "The Dynamics of Religious Collectivities", section "How Religious Collectivities Develop and Change", sub-section "Organizational Transformations", p. 175 – first edition of this book was 1981, 1214:

Geaves, Ron. "Globalization, charisma, innovation, and tradition: An exploration of the transformations in the organisational vehicles for the transmission of the teachings of Prem Rawat (Maharaji)" in

356:, but no less charismatic; according to Geaves, "Rawat is not a renunciate" and "he has gone to great lengths to assert his humanity and deconstruct the hagiography that has developed around his life." 614:(p. 99:) persoonlijke kwaliteiten alleen onvoldoende voor de erkenning van het charismatisch leiderschap. de verwende materialistische en intellectueel weinig opmerkelijke Maharaj Ji. 1150:

Globalization, charisma, innovation, and tradition: An exploration of the transformations in the organisational vehicles for the transmission of the teachings of Prem Rawat (Maharaji)

61: 1295:

Dupertuis, Lucy, "How People Recognize Charisma: The Case of Darshan in Radhasoami and Divine Light Mission", University of Guam, Sociological Analysis 1986, 47, 2.111-124

1255:

Dupertuis, Lucy, "How People Recognize Charisma: The Case of Darshan in Radhasoami and Divine Light Mission", University of Guam, Sociological Analysis 1986, 47, 2.111-124

1096:

Dupertuis, Lucy, "How People Recognize Charisma: The Case of Darshan in Radhasoami and Divine Light Mission", University of Guam, Sociological Analysis 1986, 47, 2.111-124

1246:

Dupertuis, Lucy, "How People Recognize Charisma: The Case of Darshan in Radhasoami and Divine Light Mission", University of Guam,Sociological Analysis 1986, 47, 2.111-124

937:

Dupertuis, Lucy, "How People Recognize Charisma: The Case of Darshan in Radhasoami and Divine Light Mission", University of Guam,Sociological Analysis 1986, 47, 2.111-124

723:

Dupertuis, Lucy, "How People Recognize Charisma: The Case of Darshan in Radhasoami and Divine Light Mission", University of Guam,Sociological Analysis 1986, 47, 2.111-124

624:

personal qualities alone are insufficient for the recognition of the charismatic leadership. the pampered materialistic and intellectually quite unremarkable Maharaj Ji.

780: 509:

that many followers were not certain about his position in the organizational scheme of the movement, or the claim that he was the only true spiritual master.

303:

that many followers were not certain about his position in the organizational scheme of the movement, or the claim that he was the only true spiritual master.

627:

significant: they were prepared to have faith specifically in him and Maharaj Ji was embedded in a whole organisation that fed and reinforced that faith.

474:

described Rawat as a pure example of a charismatic leader. He characterized Rawat as materialistic, pampered and intellectually unremarkable compared to

273:

described Rawat as a pure example of a charismatic leader. He characterized Rawat as materialistic, pampered and intellectually unremarkable compared to

207:

described Rawat as a pure example of a charismatic leader. He characterized Rawat as materialistic, pampered and intellectually unremarkable compared to

144:

described Rawat as a pure example of a charismatic leader. He characterized Rawat as materialistic, pampered and intellectually unremarkable compared to

381:

assertion is that imputation of charisma is an active, conscious, changing process which, in this context, involves non-cognitive modes of perception..

25: 456: 398: 345: 255: 1224: 136:

Melton refers to Rawat's personal charisma, as one of the reasons for the rapidly spreading of his message among members of the 1960's

1333: 1134: 975: 876: 657: 1282: 1085: 1077: 1022: 913: 812: 751: 695: 483:

consolidate his power and authority over the movement in the United States. Lucy DuPertuis, a sociologist and follower who assisted

466:

Melton refers to Rawat's personal charisma as one of the reasons for the rapid spread of his message among members of the 1960's

265:

Melton refers to Rawat's personal charisma as one of the reasons for the rapid spread of his message among members of the 1960's

199:

Melton refers to Rawat's personal charisma as one of the reasons for the rapid spread of his message among members of the 1960's

491:, described Rawat's role as a Master as emerging from three interrelated phenomena: traditional or theological definitions of 418:, as it resulted from a hereditary succession, this type of routinization played a negligible role for his Western followers. 285:, described Rawat's role as a Master as emerging from three interrelated phenomena: traditional or theological definitions of 165:

about his position in the organizational scheme of the movement, or the claim that he was the only true spiritual master.

227:

about his position in the organizational scheme of the movement, or the claim that he was the only true spiritual master.

21: 529:

could only be defined as charismatic in the sense of charisma having an antagonistic relationship with tradition.

323:

could only be defined as charismatic in the sense of charisma having an antagonistic relationship with tradition.

31: 520:, a professor of religion and one of the earliest Western students of Prem Rawat, states that Rawat is not a 314:, a professor of religion and one of the earliest Western students of Prem Rawat, states that Rawat is not a 1306:

The Origin, Development, and Decline of a Youth Culture Religion: An Application of Sectarianization Theory

1266:

The Origin, Development, and Decline of a Youth Culture Religion: An Application of Sectarianization Theory

1107:

The Origin, Development, and Decline of a Youth Culture Religion: An Application of Sectarianization Theory

948:

The Origin, Development, and Decline of a Youth Culture Religion: An Application of Sectarianization Theory

849:

The Origin, Development, and Decline of a Youth Culture Religion: An Application of Sectarianization Theory

505: 488: 415: 360: 299: 282: 1193:. Chicago: Association for the Sociology of Religion, ISSN 0038-0210, 1986, Vol. 47, No. 2, pp. 111-124. 479: 194: 131: 97: 605: 414:

antagonistic relationship with tradition. Schnabel remarks that although Rawat's charisma was partly

17: 1325: 1126: 1032: 967: 868: 822: 761: 649: 460: 402: 349: 259: 212: 150: 100:. He characterized Rawat as materialistic, pampered and intellectually unremarkable compared to 1329: 1278: 1220: 1130: 1081: 1073: 1018: 971: 909: 872: 808: 747: 691: 653: 1155:"Online version at the "Alternative Spiritualities and New Age Studies Association" website" 500: 484: 421: 294: 278: 223: 218: 161: 156: 77:

Not change the wording of proposals, they should add a new proposal with the changed wording

1044: 834: 773: 512: 306: 1198: 478:, but no less charismatic. Schnabel remarks that although Rawat's charisma was partly 467: 266: 200: 137: 1229: 688:

New religions: a guide: new religious movements, sects and alternative spiritualities

597: 471: 270: 204: 141: 93: 1317: 1118: 959: 860: 641: 525: 319: 1235: 1154: 1152:, (2006), Journal of Alternative Spiritualities and New Age Studies, 2 44-62. 521: 517: 430: 410: 315: 311: 230: 170: 107: 452: 341: 251: 190: 127: 524:, and he has made great efforts to assert his humanity and take apart the 318:, and he has made great efforts to assert his humanity and take apart the 1308:, Review of Religious Research, Vol. 20, No. 1. (Autumn, 1978), pp. 23-43. 1268:, Review of Religious Research, Vol. 20, No. 1. (Autumn, 1978), pp. 23-43. 1109:, Review of Religious Research, Vol. 20, No. 1. (Autumn, 1978), pp. 23-43. 950:, Review of Religious Research, Vol. 20, No. 1. (Autumn, 1978), pp. 23-43. 851:, Review of Religious Research, Vol. 20, No. 1. (Autumn, 1978), pp. 23-43. 149:

organization. Lucy Dupertuis, chair of the department of sociology at the

1277:

McGuire, Meredith B. "Religion: the Social Context" fifth edition (2002)

805:

Teaching New Religious Movements (Aar Teaching Religious Studies Series)

1072:. Belmont California : Wadsworth Publishing, fifth edition, 2002, 493: 287: 74:

Not comment on other sections, this will be done at the discussion page

1217:

Journal of Alternative Spiritualities and New Age Studies - Volume 2

1194: 1017:. Ann Arbor, Mich: University of Michigan Press. pp. p.228. 475: 406: 353: 274: 208: 145: 101: 928:, Teaching Sociology, Vol. 14, No. 3 (Jul., 1986), pp. 152-156 714:, Teaching Sociology, Vol. 14, No. 3 (Jul., 1986), pp. 152-156 1191:

Sociological Analysis: A Journal in the Sociology of Religion

1181:

DuPertuis, Lucy. "How People Recognize Charisma: The Case of

44:

This discussion has been closed. Please do not modify it.

1007:, Originally published in 1922 in German under the title 807:. An American Academy of Religion Book. pp. p.156. 1322: