129:"The dividing line between progressive and reactionary parties no longer follows the formal line of greater or lesser democracy, or of more or less socialism to be instituted; rather the division falls along the line, very new and substantial, that separates the party members into two groups. The first is made up of those who conceive the essential purpose and goal of struggle as the ancient one, that is, the conquest of national political power – and who, although involuntarily, play into the hands of reactionary forces, letting the incandescent lava of popular passions set in the old moulds, and thus allowing old absurdities to arise once again. The second are those who see the creation of a solid international State as the main purpose; they will direct popular forces toward this goal, and, having won national power, will use it first and foremost as an instrument for achieving international unity."
288:"La linea di divisione fra i partiti progressisti e partiti reazionari cade perciò ormai, non lungo la linea formale della maggiore o minore democrazia, del maggiore o minore socialismo da istituire, ma lungo la sostanziale nuovissima linea che separa coloro che concepiscono, come campo centrale della lotta quello antico, cioè la conquista e le forme del potere politico nazionale, e che faranno, sia pure involontariamente il gioco delle forze reazionarie, lasciando che la lava incandescente delle passioni popolari torni a solidificarsi nel vecchio stampo e che risorgano le vecchie assurdità, e quelli che vedranno come compito centrale la creazione di un solido stato internazionale, che indirizzeranno verso questo scopo le forze popolari e, anche conquistato il potere nazionale, lo adopereranno in primissima linea come strumento per realizzare l'unità internazionale"
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It commended communists for being the most efficiently organised of political groupings, but said they had flaws in that they had a "dependence upon the
Russian State" and possessed a sectarian nature which prevented them from working with others, which can weaken "the sum of the progressive forces".
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The document declared that "the
European revolution must be socialist, that is it must have as its goal the emancipation of the working classes and the realization for them of more humane living conditions". However, it opposed "doctrinaire" formulations of transitions to socialism and said "private
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lists, became a leader of the federalist movement due to his primary authorship of the
Manifesto and his postwar advocacy. The manifesto called for a break with Europe's past to form a new political system through a restructuring of politics and extensive social reform. It was presented not as an
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Il
Manifesto di Ventotene / The Ventotene Manifesto, Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi, preface by Eugenio Colorni. Foreword by Laura Boldrini, introductions by Lucio Levi and Pier Virgilio Dastoli.
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The
Manifesto criticised the "capitalist imperialism which our own generation has seen expand to the point of forming totalitarian states and to the unleashing of world wars". It took aim at the
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A movement should criticise "old, political statements" while knowing how to collaborate with other groups without becoming "ensnared by the political practices of any of these".
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are presented as a way to prevent future wars. Vayssière notes that the manifesto is widely seen as the birth of
European federalism. Spinelli, who was later elected to the
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The
Ventotene Manifestos key proposal was a federated European republic. Once this was established, it would wait for the possibility of
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property must be abolished, limited, corrected, extended: instance by instance, however, not dogmatically according to principle".
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which was described as useless and "even harmful". The League had no military force and therefore could not impose its decisions.
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Bertrand Vayssière, "Le
Manifeste de Ventotene (1941): Acte de Naissance du Federalisme Europeen,"
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Altiero
Spinelli and British Federalists Writings by Beveridge, Robbins and Spinelli 1937-1943
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Italian
Regionalism and the Federal Challenge Reconciling Economic Regionalism and Solidarity
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The European Union and Its Political Leaders Understanding the Integration Process
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86:. It called for a socialist federation of Europe and the world. In the text,
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Inventing the EU as a Democratic Polity Concepts, Actors and Controversies
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The Cold War: Interpreting Conflict Through Primary Documents: Volume 1
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The Cold War: Interpreting Conflict Through Primary Documents: Volume 1
78:. Completed in June 1941, the manifesto was circulated within the
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ideal, but as the best option for Europe's postwar condition.
156:, book series "Sand Grains" by Nicola Vallinoto, July 2016.
250:. Springer International Publishing. 2022. p. 143.
330:. Bloomsbury Academic Publishing. 1998. pp. 78–9.
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The most important assessment was the assertion that
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Per un'Europa libera e unita. Progetto d'un manifesto
360:The Manifesto of Ventotene (English translation)
302:. Springer International Publishing. p. 91.
278:. Cambridge University Press. 2022. p. 345.
44:For a Free and United Europe. A Draft Manifesto
262:Continental Plans for European Union 1939–1945
276:Fundamental Perspectives on International Law
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63:, while they were imprisoned on the Italian
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220:Guerres Mondiales et Conflits Contemporains
82:, and it soon became the programme of the
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51:), is a political statement written by
222:(Jan 2005), Vol. 55 Issue 217, pp69-76
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202:"The history of the European Union"
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236:. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 53.
264:. De Gruyter. 2019. p. 474.
344:. ABC-CLIO. 2018. p. 111.
316:. ABC-CLIO. 2018. p. 114.
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179:Union of European Federalists
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200:Anonymous (16 June 2016).
175:"History and achievements"
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154:Editrice Ultima spiaggia
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