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410:" in no way better than the actual fascist movement, Pieck declared that the Communists had done "everything in their power to mobilize the laboring masses for a revolutionary struggle to prevent the fascist dictatorship," only to be stymied when the Social Democrats "did not abandon their hostile attitude to the united front and the struggle." Only now, Pieck declared, had a new era been ushered in with a "turn of the Socialist workers towards a united front with the Communists."
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fascism as a definite break in the fundamental form of governance from "one state form of class domination of the bourgeoisie — bourgeois democracy — by another form — open terrorist dictatorship." Fascism's victory would suppress the "democratic liberties of the working people," curtail "the rights of parliament," and intensify repression of the revolutionary movement, Dimitrov warned.
270:(ECCI) establishing a commission to draft programmatic resolutions for that body. This body was divided between Dimitrov and others advocating a move towards a "general democratic, anti-Fascist" orientation and hardliners who continued to argue that the battle against fascism was inseparable from the task of overthrowing the
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in
October 1934 had further consolidated this trend towards interparty cooperation, Pieck declared. Consequently, Pieck noted, "United Front agreements have been reached between the Communists and Socialists in Austria, Spain, and Italy" with additional mass actions taking place between rank-and-file
413:
A variety of factors had contributed to the new attitude of the
Socialists towards the Communists, according to Pieck, including the "final and irrevocable victory of socialism in the Soviet Union" on the one hand and the brutal reality of fascist dictatorship in Germany on the other. The defense of
365:
of the
Communist Party of Germany. While lauding the 1928 tactic of "class against class" which was "directed against the bloc of the Social Democrats with the bourgeoisie and aimed at destroying the bloc of the Social Democratic leaders with the bourgeoisie," Pieck nevertheless acknowledged that "a
330:
in Moscow. The gathering, which was convened almost exactly seven years since the conclusion of the last
Comintern World Congress, was attended by 513 delegates, of whom 371 were accorded full voting rights, representing 65 Comintern member parties as well as 19 sympathizing parties. In keeping with
447:
In marked juxtaposition to the previous international communist line, which intentionally muddied the difference between "fascism" and "social fascism" in an effort to break common workers away from their social democratic political and trade union leadership, Dimitrov depicted the establishment of
443:
Dimitrov began with an analysis of fascism, which he characterized as "the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, and most imperialist elements of finance capital," intent upon wreaking organized "terrorist vengeance against the working class and the revolutionary
435:
After Pieck's keynote report and the extended discussion which ensued came on August 2 a second watershed report, this by Georgi
Dimitrov on the task of building unity of the working class in opposition to fascism. The appearance of Dimitrov on the platform, a great hero of the communist movement
386:
Pieck identified the "defeat of the German proletariat" and the rise of Nazism as the "greatest event that marked the first years of the crisis in the capitalist countries," stating that from the spring of 1932 it had "already become evident that the fascists had a considerable advantage over the
366:
certain number of sectarian mistakes were committed." This push for ideologically pure leadership divided the workers' movement during the strike movement of the late 1920s, gaining the support of some workers while alienating others and ultimately failing owing to "clumsy and sectarian tactics."
317:
defending the
Russian revolution by supporting mutual defense agreements between the USSR and various capitalist states. Further marking this shift in the international political line of the Comintern was the appointment of Popular Front adherent Georgi Dimitrov as new head of the Communist
301:, and Maxim Litvinov helped to solemnify the agreement through a joint communique in which the parties agreed "not to allow their means of national defense to weaken in any respect" and which recognized France's right to "maintain her armed forces at a level consonant with her security.
277:
It would be the exigencies of Soviet foreign policy which ultimately shaped the
Comintern's orientation, when on May 2, 1935, the two countries most concerned about the implications of growing German militarism — France and the Soviet Union — concluded the
274:, implying a simultaneous fight against the fascist right and the reformist constitutionalist and socialist movements. With no rapid agreement forthcoming, on March 8, 1935, the scheduled opening of the 7th Congress was moved back to the end of July.
382:
and the rise of Nazi
Germany said to epitomize the new trend. "These preparations are simultaneously and primarily designed for the destruction of the Soviet Union, the home, the basis, and the bulwark of the proletarian revolution," Pieck declared.
190:
255:, a leading figure in the Communist International that the Comintern's hostility towards joint action between Communists and Socialists was ill-considered. Dimitrov made his triumphant return to Moscow in April 1934 following acquittal in the
373:
the bourgeoisie sought to solve its problem of a collapsing internal market and declining profits with a move towards seizure and plunder of foreign territory under the banner of fascism, with the aggression of militarist
287:
232:
to wage battle against fascism by propagating what the communists characterized as its "anti-Marxist theory of a 'peaceful,' 'democratic' road to socialism" among the German workers' movement.
444:
section of the peasantry and intelligentsia." With respect to its foreign policy, Dimitrov condemned fascism as "jingoism in its most brutal form, fomenting bestial hatred of other nations."
306:
The May 1935 treaty and formal communique between France and the USSR tilted the scale decisively towards a new
Comintern policy for the Communist Parties of the world, casting aside the old
141:
organizations. The gathering was attended by 513 delegates, of whom 371 were accorded full voting rights, representing 65 Comintern member parties as well as 19 sympathizing parties.
205:, had pursued a policy of attempting to win a broad international agreement to bring about military disarmament. This initiative had clearly reached a terminal impasse from the
267:
169:
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Communism made by
Dimitrov at the Leipzig trial, a general strike in France in February 1934, and armed battles against the fascists in Austria in February 1934 and in
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79:
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279:
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Omitting the fact that the Comintern's "class against class" line had been targeted directly at the Social Democrats, who had been castigated as "
392:
193:
The Popular Front tactic is closely associated with the initiative of one of its early adherents, Bulgarian Communist Georgi Dimitrov (1882–1949).
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Communists in the matter of mobilizing the masses. The communists had attempted to change the situation by proposing a united front with the
332:
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395:(ADGB). This effort had been rebuffed, Pieck said, with the failure of the Social Democratic political and labor movement to join
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with the socialist movement and their affiliated trade unions, with the Comintern continuing to train its rhetorical guns on the
235:
There were some within the communist movement who began feeling their way to a new more collaborative orientation, however. The
361:
Setting the stage for the 7th World Congress was the keynote report on the Activities of ECCI, delivered on the second day by
164:
and the various capitalist states of Europe. This marked a dramatic reversal of the Comintern's previous orientation towards
436:
since his victory at the Leipzig trial, was met by a resounding ovation of the gathered delegates and a rousing singing of "
326:
The 7th World Congress of the Communist International opened on the evening of July 25, 1935 in the Hall of Pillars of the
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manner, with every mention of the Soviet leader's name being met by "tumultuous applause" from the gathered delegates.
282:, a mutual aid pact in which each promised to come to the other's defense in the event that aggression violating the
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in July 1932 and the coming to power of the Hitler government in January 1933 singled out for specific criticism.
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his personal tradition and relative lack of interest in Comintern affairs, the proceedings were not attended by
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International. The stage was therefore set for the belated convocation of the Comintern's 7th World Congress.
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Joseph Stalin, who had by this time risen to a position of unquestioned supremacy in the Soviet firmament.
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in January 1933, however, with the new political reality writ large by the October 1933 departure of
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Still, there was little motion among the world communist movement towards construction of a broader
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The House of Unions in Moscow, site of the 7th World Congress of the Comintern, as it appears today.
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determined to change the Comintern's fundamental strategy from one of antagonistic opposition to
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line of "class against class" for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie in favor of a new policy of
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Wilhelm Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," in
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Wilhelm Pieck (1876-1960), first President of East Germany, as he appeared in his later years.
335:
266:
Preparations for a 7th World Congress of the Comintern began in Moscow late in 1934, with the
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pp. 38-39.
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pp. 23-24.
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pp. 20-21.
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party members without the blessing of Socialist leaders in Great Britain, the United States,
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370:
260:
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from July 25 through August 20, 1935 by delegated representatives of ruling and non-ruling
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Georgi Dimitrov, "The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International," in
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pg. 47.
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pg. 41.
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pg. 39.
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pg. 38.
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Pieck, "The Activities of the Executive Committee of the Communist International," pg. 26.
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252:
138:
134:
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VII Congress of the Communist International: Abridged Stenographic Report of Proceedings.
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VII Congress of the Communist International: Abridged Stenographic Report of Proceedings.
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VII Congress of the Communist International: Abridged Stenographic Report of Proceedings
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Dimitrov, "The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International," pg. 127.
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The communique was broadly published in the world press on May 16, 1935. Cited in Carr,
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was suffered. Shortly thereafter, two days of consultations in Moscow between French
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The quoted words are those of an unsigned editorialist in the official magazine
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The Soviet Union and the Struggle for Collective Security in Europe, 1933-39.
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The Soviet Union and the Struggle for Collective Security in Europe, 1933-39.
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in fighting a nascent fascist movement there convinced Bulgarian Communist
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from around the world and invited guests representing other political and
547:(Problems of History of the CPSU), no. 8 (1975), pg. 60; cited in Carr,
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The Communist International, 1919-1943: Documents: Volume 3, 1929-1943.
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following the expulsion of socialist ministers from the government of
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and movement towards cooperation between Socialists and Communists in
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movement, which was held to have sabotaged the effort of the
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Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1939; pp. 15-71.
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A photograph of the Seventh World Congress of the Comintern
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Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1939; pg. 126.
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The gathering is best remembered for its endorsement of a
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and non-communist forces against the growing menace of
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775:History of the International: Volume 2, 1914-1943.
268:Executive Committee of the Communist International
807:Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1939.
22:Седьмой конгресс Коммунистического интернационала
19:7th World Congress of the Communist International
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391:and its associated trade union federation, the
172:of 1928, the aggressive line of the so-called "
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197:Throughout the early 1930s the Soviet Union's
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341:Despite his absence, Stalin was lauded in a
80:Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
519:New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984; pg. 54.
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369:Pieck argued that with the coming of the
280:Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance
484:New York: Pantheon Books, 1982; pg. 147.
199:People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs
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393:Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund
129:was a multinational conference held in
791:London: Oxford University Press, 1965.
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853:Foreign relations of the Soviet Union
782:Twilight of the Comintern, 1930-1935.
777:New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967.
482:Twilight of the Comintern, 1930-1935.
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798:New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984.
389:Social Democratic Party of Germany
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284:Covenant of the League of Nations
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784:New York: Pantheon Books, 1983.
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123:Seventh World Congress of the
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497:no. 9 (1935), cited in Carr,
243:against right wing forces in
107:513 delegates from 65 parties
495:The Communist International,
31:February 25, 1935
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731:Twilight of the Comintern,
619:Twilight of the Comintern,
606:Twilight of the Comintern,
588:Twilight of the Comintern,
575:Twilight of the Comintern,
562:Twilight of the Comintern,
549:Twilight of the Comintern,
533:Twilight of the Comintern,
499:Twilight of the Comintern,
230:Communist Party of Germany
217:disarmament negotiations.
333:All-Union Communist Party
46:August 20, 1935
858:1935 in the Soviet Union
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125:Communist International
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349:Pieck's keynote report
237:February 1934 Uprising
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207:Nazi seizure of power
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545:Voprosy Istorii KPSS
458:August 1 Declaration
257:Reichstag Fire trial
787:Jane Degras (ed.),
463:Anti-Comintern Pact
328:House of the Unions
158:collective security
773:Julius Braunthal,
438:The Internationale
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299:Viacheslav Molotov
293:and Soviet chiefs
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170:6th World Congress
119:
794:Jonathan Haslam,
515:Jonathan Haslam,
336:General Secretary
226:social democratic
135:communist parties
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863:Events in Moscow
838:1935 conferences
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160:between the
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104:Participants
98:6th Congress
89:17 July 1928
780:E.H. Carr,
480:E.H. Carr,
322:Convocation
313:realpolitik
272:bourgeoisie
127:(Comintern)
86:Most recent
58:Location(s)
827:Categories
241:Socialists
185:Background
50:1935-08-20
35:1935-02-25
843:Comintern
469:Footnotes
380:Manchuria
343:cult-like
213:from the
150:communist
733:pg. 405.
621:pg. 404.
608:pg. 403.
590:pg. 151.
564:pg. 150.
551:pg. 149.
535:pg. 148.
501:pg. 148.
452:See also
848:Marxism
401:Prussia
245:Austria
180:History
154:fascism
68:Country
48: (
33: (
729:Carr,
617:Carr,
604:Carr,
586:Carr,
560:Carr,
531:Carr,
423:, and
421:Poland
249:France
215:Geneva
131:Moscow
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62:Moscow
28:Begins
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376:Japan
121:The
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