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seasonality. In contrast, most prostitutes work in Boy's Town for no more than two or three years, usually in times of severe economic need. Approximately 30% stay between 5 and 8 years, and only 5% may stay for as many as ten years. Prostitutes tend to work during specific periods and to travel frequently between their home states in Mexico and Nuevo Laredo. Many work only on weekends and commute via bus to homes in interior Mexico. Some work for several weeks each month, while others come for several months each year. Generally, prostitutes from
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143:, and also a variety of other nocturnal entertainment. It is a walled compound containing three short east-west streets and two short north-south streets. It houses a range of brothels, bars, restaurants, small stores, a small police station, and a health clinic. It is located near the intersection of Monterrey and Anahuac Streets, about 5 km southwest of International Bridge #1. Providencia Cantu was the one who came up with the name. She used to own a place there named "El Baston".
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attractive prostitutes occupy cribs on the central lane (Cleopatra Street), whereas older, or less attractive women rent cribs on the south most lane or in the back near the transvestite bars. This pattern is primarily a function of rental rates for the cribs, being less expensive in the southwest corner of the compound.
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While accurate figures of the total number of individuals residing in Boy's Town are not available, they range into the hundreds. Many sex workers reside in the brothels, cribs, or other rented rooms. Some workers live with their boyfriends or husbands in these rooms. Furthermore, several bar owners
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The current enclave in Nuevo Laredo was constructed in the 1960s, during the municipal administration of
Ernesto Ferrara Ferrara, to concentrate prostitution activities within a controlled zone. A number of brothels and bars catering to prostitution still operate in the downtown area outside Boy's
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Employment in prostitution is more transitional and seasonal than other occupations within Boy's Town. For example, most of the waiters, bartenders, and shopkeepers retain their jobs for years, if not decades. These individuals also have fairly set schedules, and their employment reflects little
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In addition to entertainment facilities, a number of small restaurants and street eateries cater to patrons visiting the bars and brothels and to the individuals who live and work there. Other services include small convenience stores, clothing stores, seamstress shops that tailor outfits for the
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pattern. All but one of the primary brothels are located near the entrance, secondary brothels and cantinas are located farther from the entrance, and the transvestite bars are concentrated at the far end of the compound. Even the cribs exhibit a distance-decay pattern in that the younger more
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The commercial activities can be differentiated into a number of broad categories, and their spatial organization is outlined in the map. The categories include: (1) primary or major brothels, (2) secondary brothels, (3) "cribs" of freelance prostitutes, (4) cantinas and bars catering to local
445:, following the migration of family members (e. g., sisters or cousins) or acquaintances who already work in Boy's Town. According to one local municipal health official, approximately 800 prostitutes work in Boy's Town (albeit not at the same time).
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Scholarly analysis of Boy's Town has been limited to a sociological study in the 1970s (Stevenson 1975) and several geographical surveys in the early 1990s (Arreola and Curtis 1993, Curtis and
Arreola 1991a, Curtis and Arreola 1991b).
612:, Dave Hickey, and Keith Carter; afterword by Bill Wittliff. New York : Aperture, in association with the Wittliff Gallery of Southwestern & Mexican Photography, c2000. 108 p. : chiefly ill.; 27 x 30 cm.
318:), live music, and dancing. Some are staffed with women who dance with customers for a few pesos. They provide an inexpensive environment for local males (and occasionally couples) to relax, listen to
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be restricted to the southern end of the camp where they would be inspected and certified by the military medical officers. A flat rate for sexual intercourse was also established.
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The cantinas and bars constitute a significant component of the economy. Most do not operate as brothels, but are instead venues for inexpensive drinks (usually just beer and
190:, at Colonia Dublain, a small group of vendors, launderers, barkeeps, and prostitutes set up businesses next to the army camp. Eventually, General Pershing ordered that the
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music, and dance late into the night. Several are patronized by off-duty prostitutes and their boyfriends or husbands after working hours in the early morning.
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Within a few decades, this concept was adopted by vice entrepreneurs and city managers elsewhere along the border. These enclosed compounds, called
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adopt the weekly schedule, whereas those from farther south employ longer-interval patterns. Most prostitutes arrive as a result of
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668:. Edwin Mellen Press. New York. 2005. Detailed maps of the site, the region, and photographs (circa 1972) appear in Appendix A.
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bars, (6) other commercial services, and (7) residences. Furthermore, Boy's Town is protected by a substation of the
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complete with jail, and there is a health clinic that performs blood tests and weekly screenings of
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bars also serve as brothels catering to clients who seek to have sex with transvestites,
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A Mexican Border
Prostitution Community During the Late Vietnam Era: La Zona
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Boy's Town was referenced during the 1990 Texas gubernatorial race when
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La Zona in
Transition: Bordertown Prostitution in Frontier City, Mexico
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can be traced in part to the relationship that developed between the
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The
Mexican Border Cities: Landscape Anatomy and Place Personality
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Boystown : la zona de tolerancia / with essays by
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Zonas de
Tolerancia on the Northern Mexican Border.
166:in northern Mexico during the army's 1916–17
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461:admitted that he had made visits for "servicing."
265:Town with the tacit approval of the government.
151:The origins of the Boy's Town concept along the
596:Curtis, James R., and Arreola, Daniel D. 1991a.
626:(1993). Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
301:Establishments and services exhibit a typical
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662:State University of New York at Stony Brook
404:. Unsourced material may be challenged and
622:Arreola, Daniel D., and Curtis, James R.,
535:Learn how and when to remove this message
424:Learn how and when to remove this message
120:Learn how and when to remove this message
498:This article includes a list of general
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402:adding citations to reliable sources
58:adding citations to reliable sources
600:Geographical Review. 81(3):333-346.
504:it lacks sufficient corresponding
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660:(1975). Unpublished M.A. thesis,
559:Pappalardo, Joe (May 31, 2001).
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174:'s forces were pursuing General
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637:Pappalardo, Joe (31 May 2001).
45:needs additional citations for
18:Boy's Town (prostitution)
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715:Red-light districts in Mexico
170:; specifically when General
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69:"Boy's Town, Nuevo Laredo"
349:Other commercial services
362:or managers live there.
137:Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas
519:more precise citations.
656:Stevenson, Robert J.,
475:Prostitution in Mexico
358:, and a photo studio.
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690:27.46528°N 99.52944°W
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257:. The government of
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147:Historical precedent
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168:Punitive Expedition
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223:Ciudad Acuña
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47:verification
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517:introducing
356:sex workers
339:transgender
292:sex workers
269:Description
251:Salina Cruz
215:Agua Prieta
203:Boy's Towns
192:prostitutes
709:Categories
681:99°31′46″W
678:27°27′55″N
500:references
481:References
457:candidate
455:Republican
247:Nuevo León
133:Boy's Town
80:newspapers
577:April 18,
439:Monterrey
385:does not
188:Chihuahua
180:Chihuahua
110:June 2008
469:See also
328:Ranchera
648:17 June
513:improve
406:removed
391:sources
324:Norteño
316:tequila
235:Reynosa
219:Ojinaga
94:scholar
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502:, but
320:Cumbia
255:Oaxaca
249:, and
233:, and
161:ad hoc
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671:Map:
333:Some
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239:zonas
101:JSTOR
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650:2018
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579:2011
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