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intruder was directly admonished to leave the line, he or she did so. Otherwise, the intruder stayed in the line for one minute before departing. Three female and two male graduate students acted as intruders, with an observer watching nearby to record physical, verbal, and nonverbal reactions to the intrusion. The experiment manipulated conditions by having either one or two intruders break into the line, as well as varying one or two buffers, or experimenters standing passively by in the line. This enabled the researchers to test whether the responsibility of addressing the intruder would extend from the person closest behind in line to the rest of those in line.
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58:. Breaching experiments involve the conscious exhibition of "unexpected" behavior/violation of social norms, an observation of the types of social reactions such behavioral violations engender, and an analysis of the social structure that makes these social reactions possible. The idea of studying the violation of social norms and the accompanying reactions has bridged across social science disciplines, and is today used in both sociology and psychology.
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embarrassed. Many felt unable to verbalize the request for a seat and had to withdraw. They sometimes feared they were the center of attention in the car and were often unable to look directly at the subjects. Once they made a successful request for a seat, they felt pressure to act in a way that would actually justify the request, such as pretending to be ill. Milgram proposes that the experimenters were playing the
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Since the second condition, the trivial justification, prevented the process of normalization, subjects could not as easily imagine an appropriate justification for the request, and therefore, a much lower number gave up their seats. In the third, overheard condition, the experimenters reasoned that the warning of the pending seat request allowed subjects to be better prepared to refuse the request.
94:, as well as other stigmatized social groups, in order to highlight the often taken-for-granted rules of social interaction, as well as the results when rules are broken. He argues that the most common rule in all social situations is for the individual to "fit in". He defines norms as a kind of guide for action supported by
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be trusted" not to take advantage of the situation "even though the original infraction itself" may actually be harmless. Individuals come to "feel that rules for participating in gatherings are crucial for society’s well-being" and that these "rules are natural, inviolable, and fundamentally right".
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instructed his students to experiment fixing problems for which they had no prior responsibility, such as picking up garbage from the street or mending street signs. Their self-consciousness while doing this, and the negative reactions they encountered, showed that "in the normal course of things, it
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in the 1970s, when experimenters boarded crowded trains and asked able-bodied but seated riders, with no explanation, to give up their seats. The other was conducted in the 1980s, and studied the reactions to graduate student experimenters cutting ahead in lines of people waiting to purchase railroad
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Garfinkel instructed his students to treat such everyday, implicit understandings as problematic phenomena to be studied. Breaching experiments reveal the resilience of social reality, since the subjects respond immediately to normalize the breach. They do so by rendering the situation understandable
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Students were to do the same as above, but actually behave as if they were lodgers. The associated distance and politeness resulted in reports of "astonishment, bewilderment, shock, anxiety, embarrassment, and anger, and with charges by various family members that the student was mean, inconsiderate,
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Goffman further states that social gatherings have significant importance for organizing social life. He argues that all people in a social setting have some concern regarding the rules governing behavior. Infractions, or violation of an unstated rule, may be "taken as a sign that the offender cannot
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actions are viewed as personal intrusions. However, he noted that these negative reactions were often based on incorrect assumptions, and when those assumptions were corrected the bystanders stopped reacting negatively. For instance, when a student picked up trash bystanders assumed that the student
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Subjects played tic-tac-toe where the experimenter asked the subject to make the first move, then erases that mark and moves it to another square before making the responding move. Subjects were confused by this and interpreted the action as a sexual pass, a comment on their own stupidity, or as the
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or reactions, in that there are penalties for infraction, or breaking norms, while individuals are generally rewarded for compliance. If an individual breaches a social norm, the act is often attributed to some property of the individual, such as that the person is sick or mentally ill. For example,
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associated with the task of intrusion into lines. Experimenters described feeling nauseated, anxious, and struggling to get up the "nerve" to intrude in a line. Milgram reasons that these feelings make up the "inhibitory anxiety that ordinarily prevents individuals from breaching social norms" and
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Broadly, results indicated that others in line objected most frequently when there were more intruders and fewer buffers. Nonverbal objections included dirty looks, hostile stares, and gestures. Verbal interjections included "No way! The line's back there. We've all been waiting and have trains to
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The experimenters reasoned that subjects in the no justification condition engaged in normalization of the breach by attributing a meaning to the violation that would make it seem not to be a violation at all. An example of such a normalization would be "he is asking for a seat because he is sick."
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The third condition was included because the experimenters believed that subjects might have been so startled by the request that they didn't have time to think about an adequate reply. Therefore, in this condition, to alert the subject that a seat might be requested, two experimenters entered the
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The second condition tested the hypothesis that subjects gave up their seats because they assumed the experimenter had some important reason for requesting it. To rule out this assumption, experimenters were instructed to ask "Excuse me. May I please have your seat? I can't read my book standing
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Garfinkel suggests that each member of society uses "background expectancies" to interpret and decide how to act in a social situation. However, individuals are unable to explicitly describe what each of these expectancies, or rules, are. One way to help make background expectancies more visible is
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The lines had an average of six people waiting. The experimenter calmly approached a point between a 3rd and 4th person in line and said in a neutral tone "Excuse me, I’d like to get in here.” Before anyone in the line could respond, the intruder cut in line and faced forward. If the experimental
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The experimenters violated this implicit rule by asking people to give up their seats. They then measured the responses as the number of times individuals consented or refused to give up their seats, and also noted people's verbal and physical reactions to the request. Experimenters approached
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An important aspect of the maintenance of social norms is also revealed in the emotional reactions felt by the experimenters. Most of the experimenters reported great difficulty in carrying out the task. They reported that, when standing in front of the subject, they felt anxious, tense, and
446:. This was done by having experimenters break into naturally formed lines around New York City and noting how people respond to them. The experimenters encroached on a total of 129 waiting lines, formed at railroad ticket counters, betting parlors, and other New York City locations.
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Students were to engage in conversation with others with the assumption that what the other person said was directed by hidden motives. Family members and friends were reported as having hurt feelings, and the two students who tried this with strangers were unable to complete the
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Students were to participate in an evaluation in which their assessments of others was contradicted by subsequent information revealed by other assessors. Subsequently, many students tried to reconcile their initial opinion with the information and assessment provided by
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to be a "stranger to the life as usual character of everyday scenes". For instance, saying "hello" at the termination of a conversation. Although the term "breaching experiment" developed as a result of
Garfinkel's approach, he warns it should not properly be called an
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They were asked to bargain for standard-priced merchandise in a store. Students felt anxiety in anticipation of the task and approaching the salesperson. However, this lessened once they began their interactions and were surprised by the possibility of
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laid the theoretical foundation for ways to study the construction of everyday social meanings and behavioral norms, especially by breaking unstated but universally accepted rules. Garfinkel expanded on this idea by developing ethnomethodology as a
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adapted this approach, but often refers to the phenomena as social norm breaking. Two of the most well known studies of violation of social norms by a social psychologist were carried out by
Stanley Milgram, well known for his infamous
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237:. Many students found this difficult as their distanced assessments of their family were discordant with their everyday beliefs (e.g., how often people argued). They were happy to return to what one student described as the "real me".
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of subway rider, and they felt an extreme emotional reaction as a result of breaking implicit rules for that role. These extreme emotional reactions reflect how important it is to people to engage in routine, everyday activities.
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is simply not acceptable for people to take responsibility for public things". Babbie claims that people have negative reactions when they see somebody fixing something that is not his/her "job" to fix; in some cases,
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tickets. These experiments build on the sociological work on breaching norms, but note that they are approached quantitatively by being structured so the experimenter can observe and count people's reactions.
229:. The violation of the expectancy of shared verbal understanding between friends results in the subject expressing confusion and irritation. Garfinkel conducted other experiments—often using his students:
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The assumption behind this approach is not only that individuals engage daily in building up "rules" for social interaction, but also that people are unaware they are doing so. The work of sociologist
120:, but more accurately, a demonstration meant to produce disorganized interaction in order to highlight how the structures of everyday activities are ordinarily created and maintained.
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was responsible for the mess and either felt guilty or was being forced to clean it up. When the truth was explained, bystanders often joined in and assisted the students.
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subway car from different doors: one would say "Excuse me. Do you think it would be all right if I asked someone for a seat?" and the other "I don't know."
135:. One task Garfinkel assigned to his graduate students was to challenge everyday understandings by frequently asking for clarification during a normal
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Stanley, Milgram; Sabini, John (1978). "Advances in environmental psychology 1, the urban environment". In Baum, A.; Singer, J.E.; Valins, S. (eds.).
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developed two experiments to observe and quantify responses to breaches in social norms to empirically analyze reactions to violation of those norms.
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in familiar terms. It is assumed that the way people handle these breaches reveals much about how they handle their everyday lives.
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indicate that the internal restraints against intruding into lines play a significant role in assuring the integrity of the line.
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The experimenter approached the subject and said, "Excuse me. May I please have your seat?" No justification was offered.
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Milgram, Stanley; Liberty, Hilary; Toledo, Raymond; Blacken, Joyce (1986). "Response to intrusion in waiting lines".
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Ritzer, George. 1996. “Ethnomethodology.” Pp. 373-399 in
Sociological Theory. 4th Ed. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill|
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Rafalovich, Adam (2006). "Making sociology relevant: The assignment and application of breaching experiments".
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Subjects were asked to stand very, very close to a person while engaging in otherwise innocuous conversation.
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with a friend or family member. Below is an example of an excerpt quoted in
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As reported in
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that seeks to examine people's reactions to violations of commonly accepted social rules or
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A residual rule of everyday interaction on the New York City Subway is that seats are on a
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basis and individuals are not supposed to talk to one another in such close quarters.
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impudence of the experimenter. Eventually, most demanded a reckoning of this behavior.
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method for social scientists. Later, in the 1970s and 80s, famous social psychologist
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published in 1971. Goffman draws on his earlier studies of individuals in
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What do you mean, "How is she feeling?" Do you mean physical or mental?
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Milgram defines "residual rules" as rules that fulfill two criteria:
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On maintaining social norms: A field experiment in the subway
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Goffman published two seminal works related to this domain:
930:. Internet Archive. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall.
50:. Breaching experiments are most commonly associated with
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Nothing. Just explain a little clearer what do you mean?
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Harold
Garfinkel and "making commonplace scenes visible"
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Subjects who slid over to make room for experimenters
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Skip it. How are your Med School applications coming?
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I mean how is she feeling? What's the matter with you?
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Relations in Public: Microstudies of the Public Order,
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Relations in Public: Microstudies of the Public Order
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27:Sociology, social psychology experiment definition
899:(14th ed.). Cengage Learning. p. 290.
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386:Subjects who did not give up their seats
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307:People must substantially agree on them.
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152:Hi Ray. How is your girlfriend feeling?
658:. Erlbaum Associates. pp. 31–40.
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1407:Right-wing authoritarian personality
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322:individuals under three conditions:
78:Erving Goffman on social interaction
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358:Subjects who gave up their seats
299:A busy New York City Subway train
196:What do you mean, "How are they?"
103:by any strangers who may notice.
54:, and in particular the work of
896:The Practice of Social Research
1402:Authoritarian leadership style
442:to intruders, again violating
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1307:Social construction of gender
484:One intruder and two buffers
468:Two intruders and no buffers
241:selfish, nasty, or impolite".
1302:Rally 'round the flag effect
1505:Asch conformity experiments
1222:Identification (psychology)
927:Studies in ethnomethodology
476:One intruder and no buffer
282:. One was conducted on the
273:Later work in the field of
141:Studies in Ethnomethodology
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1262:Normative social influence
924:Garfinkel, Harold (1967).
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227:interpersonal conversation
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84:Behavior in Public Places
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749:Goffman, Erving (1971).
720:Goffman, Erving (1963).
444:first-come, first served
316:first-come, first-served
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757:. Basic Books. p.
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280:obedience experiments
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1242:Mere exposure effect
353:Overheard condition
284:New York City Subway
68:qualitative research
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1202:Fear of missing out
1167:Closure (sociology)
1081:Enemy of the people
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906:978-1-305-44556-7
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1459:Herd behavior
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1414:Control freak
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1379:
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1361:Socialization
1359:
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1277:Peer pressure
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1257:Normalization
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1182:Culture shock
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1038:Deplatforming
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879:
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867:
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855:
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838:
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832:, p. 51.
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807:
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429:New York City
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37:
33:
19:
1630:Pueblo clown
1615:Idiosyncrasy
1600:Eccentricity
1509:
1484:Social proof
1192:Echo chamber
1172:Collectivism
1162:Brainwashing
1093:Scapegoating
1076:Public enemy
1068:
1059:
1023:Blacklisting
1010:
989:
982:Proscription
926:
917:Bibliography
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245:interaction.
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137:conversation
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105:
101:mentally ill
87:
86:in 1963 and
83:
81:
60:
39:
29:
1650:Shock value
1605:Eclecticism
1498:Experiments
1119:Nationalism
1055:Civil death
974:Enforcement
408:social role
253:succeeding.
1665:Categories
1439:Compliance
1432:Conformity
1332:Hysterical
1322:Behavioral
1287:Propaganda
1272:Patriotism
1207:Groupthink
1033:Censorship
1012:Homo sacer
967:Conformity
638:0078111676
559:altruistic
504:Frequency
463:Frequency
427:tokens in
118:experiment
44:experiment
1635:Rebellion
1593:Political
1474:Obedience
1344:Emotional
1317:Addiction
1061:Vogelfrei
1018:Ostracism
1001:Dissenter
997:Dissident
617:143700112
501:Condition
460:Condition
344:Condition
133:workplace
32:sociology
1640:Red team
1578:Deviance
1098:Shunning
893:(2015).
566:See also
536:catch".
339:Results
1588:Dissent
1371:Teasing
1337:Suicide
1252:Mobbing
1045:Outcast
249:others.
1645:Satire
1610:Hermit
1212:Hazing
1050:Outlaw
903:
765:
732:
662:
636:
615:
520:14.7%
512:21.7%
471:91.3%
425:subway
395:63.4%
367:26.8%
235:lodger
166:
129:school
42:is an
1327:Crime
1187:Dogma
1006:Exile
613:S2CID
583:Notes
487:5.0%
392:58.1%
389:31.7%
381:9.8%
375:12.3%
364:37.2%
131:, or
48:norms
901:ISBN
763:ISBN
730:ISBN
660:ISBN
634:ISBN
528:10%
479:54%
440:line
378:4.7%
330:up."
125:home
38:, a
34:and
700:doi
605:doi
361:56%
1667::
999:/
761:.
759:95
712:^
696:51
694:.
674:^
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611:.
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127:,
959:e
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945:v
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702::
668:.
619:.
607::
216:S
208:E
200:S
192:E
184:S
176:E
164:S
156:E
148:S
20:)
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