483:. In his first major contribution in Committee, he said in reply to an ill-informed remark by Croker that: "his right hon. friend had displayed his want of acquaintance with the county of Stafford when he spoke of the village of Bilston. The village of Bilston, as his right hon. friend was facetiously pleased to style it, contained a population of not less than 14,000 or 15,000 souls.". He made similar contributions to uphold the importance of Wolverhampton, Walsall and Stoke, continually insisting on the principle that constituencies should represent communities and populations, not political or economic interests. He consistently appealed simultaneously to principles and facts, showing a ferocious interest in every region of the country, for example: "as one of the Commissioners upon whom was devolved the duty of fixing the limits of the new borough of Huddersfield, he felt himself called upon to state that, in performing that duty, he did not conceive himself bound to consider the extent of property which any individual might possess within the borough, or his political opinions." Ultimately, the Reform Bill as originally conceived proved unwieldy, and the boundary reform, with its mass of detail and numerous schedules was divided off into a second bill. Hence the "Reform Act 1832" is really two separate acts: a
854:. As a senior Whig peer, Hatherton rose to make a formal Address in Answer. He immediately stated that the condition of Ireland was topic of "all-absorbing importance" and went on to give a long speech in which all other matters were relegated to a formal mention at the end. He stressed the vast scale of famine and the inadequacy of government attempts to tackle it. He welcomed public works programmes but declared that if they were now pointless or impractical, other means of relieving the famine had to be found. Hatherton stated that his purpose was to "implore their Lordships, in considering this question, to make the case of Ireland their own" and demanded the government treat it exactly as if it had happened in England. He asked the peers to consider what would have been their response if some pest had destroyed England's cotton imports: would they leave Manchester to its own devices? He demanded abolition of all residual restrictions on food imports. The government was proposing to finance relief from future taxes on Ireland. Hatherton rejected this explicitly. What would be the response to a famine in England: would Parliament really expect English landlords to pay thee entire cost of relief. Hatherton made clear that he was not speaking on the government's behalf:
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518:, a Tory member, and praising his "unexampled patience and urbanity". Littleton had voted for Manners-Sutton consistently since 1817. He correctly diagnosed his own nomination as a political protest and he did not consider the Speakership a party matter. O'Connell countered with a long speech denouncing Toryism, demanding a triumphal vindication of the Reform Act and refusing to withdraw the nomination. He regarded the nomination of Manners-Sutton "as another instance of that paltry truckling on the part of the present Administration towards their ancient enemies, which had already afforded such frequent subjects of complaint."
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the chamber of the house in a few unmemorable phrases. From 1830 he became closely involved in committee work on important reforms. As his opinions became more radical, he adopted an increasingly trenchant and discursive style, speaking frequently in long, argued statements, laden with factual detail. On one day in
September 1831, for example, he made eight speeches of varying length in the House. One of the important factors in this change of style and focus seems to have been his increasingly close contact with middle and working class opinion in the growing Staffordshire towns –
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one thing was certain, and that was, that it was the bounden duty of all parties, both in
England and Ireland, from the highest Minister of the Crown, down to the lowest member of society, to combine, and by every exertion, and by every personal sacrifice, if necessary, to do all in their power to arrest the fearful progress of this giant evil. Let them reflect what would have been the condition of England if the Channel had not existed between the two countries. The consequence to England would then have been as dire as if the calamity had occurred in England itself.
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613:. Littleton responded that: "That was a proposition so utterly devoid of commonsense, that it was scarcely necessary for him to say, that when it was brought forward, it would be met by the most strenuous opposition. He need scarcely use such strong language, for the proposition was so extremely absurd — so opposed to the feelings and interests of both Englishmen and Irishmen, that any strenuous exertion would be totally unnecessary, in order to ensure it a signal defeat." This was clearly far beyond what was necessary to dissociate himself from O'Connor.
571:, Littleton's father-in-law, as Lord Lieutenant. The appointments met with the approval of Daniel O'Connell. However, Littleton was part of a shaky coalition of Whigs and Radicals. The Whigs were much more concerned with defending property rights and the position of the established church than the Radicals, who were prepared to sacrifice both if they perceived injustice. He was often forced to take positions which might normally have gone against his political instincts, and he also allowed his loose tongue to get him into further trouble.
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392:, he introduced an Elective Franchise in Ireland Bill. The objective of this was, paradoxically, to raise the property qualification for Irish voters. However, its underlying aim was to end abuse of a distinctively Irish form of freehold, which had to be renewed by payment to the original landlord, and so allowed large landowners to create large numbers of compliant voters. Both the Relief and the Franchise Bills failed. After crossing the floor of the House to join the Whigs in 1827, Littleton voted for the
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number of persons who had been admitted as freemen just previous to general elections. For such persons the Bill proposed to substitute a class of men who had paid rates for three years. If their
Lordships refused to sanction this proposition, he was afraid they would expose themselves to strong observations out of doors, where it was the universal opinion that they had found the class of individuals which the Bill tended to get rid of extremely convenient, and easily to be managed on certain occasions.
475:. Littleton was appointed as an unpaid Commissioner on the latter task. Here his command of detail and forensic skills found a perfect outlet, as the reform involved careful research, the establishment of principles and their application to hundreds of varying local situations. He was determined that the reform should be based on the latest data about population sizes, not on the traditional status of settlements. He was formidably well informed and often sarcastic in debate, often tangling with
759:. However, Hatherton claimed that conditions in the Midland coal mining areas were much better than in the north and portrayed the miners as an aristocracy of labour, with the child labourers as "apprentices". Partly through his intransigence, the age lower limit for boys to work underground was set at ten. On the other hand, Hatherton welcomed a ban on women working in the mines and defended against all attempts to dilute it.
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786:. c. 32) also gave him a chance to advertise himself as a modern and improving landlord. He proposed removing hares from the status of game, so that tenants might eliminate them from their land and boasted of his near-extermination of hares and rabbits on his own estates: "he could scarcely exaggerate the satisfaction which had resulted from that course, both to himself and to his tenants."
715:. The Church Rate agitation was part of a wider campaign for reforms of position of the established Church, which broke its monopoly over the recording of births, marriages and deaths in 1837, but poor rates were not made voluntary until 1868, five years after Hatherton's death. In fact, after this disappointment, and especially in the early 1840s, a period of Tory dominance that brought
427:. This was the practice by which employees were forced to accept payment or advances in kind, often becoming effectively enslaved to the company store. First he presented numerous petitions against the system from workers in Staffordshire and Gloucestershire. He asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill against the truck system at the end of the year. The
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pension. A division was held on the proposal install
Littleton in the Chair and it was defeated by 241 votes to 31: Littleton did not vote for himself. Littleton's nomination, though rejected by himself, had initiated an important constitutional debate, which established permanently in the reformed parliament the non-partisan character of the Speaker.
597:. Littleton was compelled by the alliance with Whigs to bring in a Tithe Arrears (Ireland) Bill, which set out some concessions in the payment terms but reaffirmed the government's determination to impose tithes on Ireland for the foreseeable future. It was accompanied by one of the many Irish Coercion bills which partially suspended
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Walsall; Old Brooks
Brickyard, Walsall; Long House Brickyard, Cannock; Rumer Hill Brickyard, Cannock; Penkridge Brickyard; Wolgarstone Stone Quarry, Teddesley; Wood Bank and Quarry Heath Stone Quarries, Teddesley; Gravel Pit, Huntington; Sand Pit at Hungry Hill, Teddesley. Also land rentals from some of the mine properties.
452:, and who proceeded to broadcast the remark. Littleton took up the challenge in Parliament and, accepting that the report of his comment was accurate, pointed out that it was reported entirely out of context. In fact, it was well known that he had been a strong proponent of Emancipation. However, the damage was done.
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Royalties from mineral extraction at
Hatherton Colliery, Bloxwich; Hatherton Colliery, Great Wyrley; Serjeants Hill Colliery, Walsall; Hatherton Lime Works, Walsall; Walsall Old Lime Works; Paddock Brickyard, Walsall; Sutton Road Brickyard, Walsall; Serjeants Hill Brickyard, Walsall; Butts Brickyard,
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These remarks emanated solely from himself, and had not been made at the suggestion of any party; but he could not have undertaken the duty of proposing the
Address to the Crown, unless he had been allowed free license to express his own opinions. Whatever might be the issue of this fearful calamity,
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colleges, on the grounds, among others, that the colleges were "of very ancient foundation, and many of their statutes, contemplating a state of society very different from the present, and a religion other than that now established, are totally inapplicable to the present times, and impossible to be
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and denouncing the poor representation of
Catholics on public bodies. However, he also supported coercive Government measures to suppress disorder, often taking a hardline position. In 1844 Hatherton promoted a reform popular with Irish Catholics: the Charitable Bequests (Ireland) Act, which created
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the freemen, generally speaking, were a very inferior class of persons. They need not possess any property, or pay any rates; and in many instances, their residence was principally in gaols. To show the facilities which they afforded for corruption, the noble Lord read various statements of the vast
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The campaign for the Truck Act had revealed an important weakness in
Littleton's character that was to have major consequences for his career. To get the reform through, he had made the concession that Ireland be excluded from it for the time being. At one point he had let slip the unguarded comment
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When a similar measure was proposed for
Ireland in 1838, Hatherton defended it trenchantly in the Lords, taking particular exception to attempts to tamper with the franchise. In a substantial, detailed speech he used his old tactic of marshalling demographic and financial detail to swamp rhetorical
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For several years after his elevation to the peerage, Hatherton was closely involved in campaigns to extend the political reforms of the Whig administration. Most important of these initially was municipal reform. Hatherton presented numerous petitions, and took up the cause of several small towns,
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gave a bitterly partisan speech, claiming that the election of Manners-Sutton would be "an open declaration of war against the people of England." Much of the venom derived from an accompanying proposal to pay the Speaker a large pension. However, Manners-Sutton himself rose to reject the idea of a
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was only part of the network that served his mines and quarries in Staffordshire. He sought legislation to impose a solution on the canal owners, who would not agree among themselves to a holiday for their workers. This issue preoccupied him for the next two years, gradually shading into arguments
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Initially, Littleton seemed to be steering a compromise course fairly successfully. On the one hand he portrayed the recovery of tithes as a painful necessity, while denouncing unwarranted and sometimes illegal police violence. However, this could not last. As early as 10 July, Littleton upset the
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From this point, the style and content of his contributions changed completely. For almost twenty years he had been content generally to make short contributions, usually delivering himself of his considered opinions or changed notions (for he sometimes altered his initial stance during debate) in
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However, the Irish Question was again coming to dominated debate and it had never ceased to be one of Hatherton's major concerns. During the 1830s he had spoken often on Irish matters, steering a tortuous path. On the one hand he supported most of the causes of equality and social reform dear to
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However, there was no real chance of repeal going through at that point. Rather hastily he made a compact with O'Connell on the assumption that the new coercion act could not contain certain repressive clauses which were part of the old act. The clauses, however, were inserted; O'Connell charged
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His speech, which had departed far from the usual formal paean to the monarch's words and criticised the central pillar of government policy, elicited considerable outrage. It was the peak of his career as a working peer. From this point, his contributions became briefer and less frequent. This
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completely changed the electoral landscape, ushering in a reforming Whig ministry under Grey, and allowing Littleton to proceed with his bill with a fair certainty of success. Moving the vote on the bill in September 1831, he pointed out that "it was notorious that the universal feeling of the
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288 holdings in the following townships: Abbots Bromley, Acton Trussell, Bednall, Beaudesert and Longdon, Bosoomoor, Congreve, Coppenhall, Cannock, Drayton, Dunston, Huntington, Hatherton, Linell, Levedale, Longridge, Otherton, Pipe Ridware, Penkridge, Pillaton, Preston, Stretton, Saredon and
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Company, attacking predatory pricing by railways. A little later he encouraged people affected by railway development to group together in corporate bodies to defend their joint interests. and speaking in defence of the coastal trade in coal. The following year, however, he was showing a very
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observance, a cause which united almost all the churches. Both Hatherton and his ecclesiastical allies were at least as concerned with the hours and conditions of the workers as with due decorum on a day of worship. Hatherton presented many petitions on the subject in the 1830s and in 1840 he
810:, major protective tariffs on food imports, continued in force. Although it had never dominated Hatherton's radicalism, he had long been loyal to the anti-Corn Law cause and had spoken most effectively on the subject when he presented no less than six petitions from
661:, a country house that formed part of the Walhouse inheritance. Since he was now constitutionally barred from serving as a member of the House of Commons, his seat had to be contested again in a by-election in May, won by a fellow Whig, Sir Francis Goodricke.
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between 1854 and 1863—an honorific local post with considerable ceremonial duties that perhaps filled his time as he himself became less able to travel. His last contribution to debate, in 1852, was characteristically trenchant attack on the arrogance of the
897:, as well as extractive works supplying the construction industry, including sandstone and limestone quarries, brickyards, gravel pits and sand pits. This made him immensely influential as a landlord and employer across a large tract of south and central
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in 1839 There was never any doubt of his support for the repeal of the laws in 1846, a volte-face for the Tory party that split it more disastrously and more permanently than Maynooth and brought down Peel's government. The minority Whig government of
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working classes was in favour of some attempt to put down this odious system." He summarised its main purpose simply as that "the workmen must be paid in money." Consolidating and extending numerous earlier acts on the subject, the
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argument. Everywhere he perceived possible corruption, he entered his name in the lists against it. So in 1837, for example, we find his name among the six radical Lords wanting to pursue an urgent enquiry into the statutes of the
412:. He frequently presented petitions and deployed arguments and reports drawn directly from these disfranchised towns and people. As he became more combative and forensic in his contributions, he was increasingly regarded as a
739:. As a coal-owner, his economic interests were even more closely involved than in the case of the canals. His economic liberalism was thus brought into conflict with his zeal for social reform. A Commission, headed by Lord
1969:
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a corporate body to accept bequests in favour of the Irish clergy. In so doing, he seized the opportunity to attack the poor provision for Catholic clerical education. This helped stoke the agitation that led to the
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Although most of Hatherton's income from agriculture came in the form of rents and tithes, he was also a considerable farmer on his own account. He drained and developed a large area of land to expand the
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Tithes from 579 occupiers in Hatherton, Cannock, Leacroft, Hednesford, Cannock Wood, Wyrley, Saredon, Shareshill, Penkridge, Congreve, Mitton, Whiston, Rodbaston, Coppenhall, Dunston, Bloxwich, Walsall
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and able to make a contribution to parliamentary debate and processes. This he did until the year before his death, although his contributions tailed off considerably after his Address in Answer to the
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landowner, farmer and businessman. As heir to two family fortunes, he had large holdings in agricultural and residential property, coal mines, quarries and brick works, mainly concentrated around
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Hatherton was a very wealthy man, partly because of his inherited interests, and partly because of his own business activities. The Littleton inheritance brought almost the whole of the manor of
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889:, as well as the former Penkridge deanery manor, and other estates in that area – land accruing in the hands of the Littletons since 1502. The Walhouse inheritance brought large coal mines in
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Lady Hatherton died after a long illness on 6 January 1849. A daughter, Hyacinth Anne, had already died in 1847. In 1852 Hatherton married Caroline Davenport, née Hurt, (1810–1897) of
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From August 1846, Parliament was continuously prorogued and the government avoided facing its critics. As 1847 began, the government was forced to think again, and decided to bring in
1753:
249:. He had a long political career, active in each of the Houses of Parliament in turn over a period of forty years. He was closely involved in a number of major reforms, particularly
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to power, Hatherton's contributions slackened for a time in number and in focus. Without a clear programme of government reforms to promote, he tended to moralise or equivocate.
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Memorial to Sir Edward Littleton, the 4th and last baronet, who died without issue in 1812, leaving the estates to his great-nephew. St. Michael and All Angels, Penkridge.
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positive attitude and was advocating a streamlined system for dealing with railway development. In fact, he had informed himself sufficiently to hazard the opinion that
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681:. He served on the Lords committee on the bill and was often acerbic in debate, much as he had been on earlier reforms. Key to the measure was the enfranchisement of
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on 27 September 1819. He was appointed Lt-Col Commandant on 17 December 1829, but resigned the command in August 1833 after he became Chief Secretary for Ireland.
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at Teddesley for 30 boys, many the sons of tenants. The boys worked for part of each day on the estate as well as receiving practical and formal instruction.
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focussed his attention on the demand for a law to stop Sunday traffic on the canals and railways. Hatherton had a major economic interest in canals, and the
436:(actually the Money Payment of Wages Act) was a landmark piece of social legislation, which was invoked as still relevant in Parliament as recently as 2003.
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at Teddesley into a holding of some 1700 acres. Here he had 200 head of cattle and 2000 sheep. 700 acres were under cultivation, using a four-course
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of the 1840s saw Littleton trying to get to grips with the pace of modernisation. Early in 1845 he spoke at length in support of a petition from the
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roughly corresponds to the onset of important family bereavements. Hyacinth Anne, his daughter had died in July 1847 after a long struggle against
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Charles Chevenix Trench (1984): The Great Dan: a Biography of Daniel O'Connell, the 'Liberator of Ireland": Jonathan Cape, London
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Adventure in New Zealand, from 1839 to 1844: With Some Account of the Beginning of the British Colonization of the Islands
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soon pushed even these important issues to the periphery. Peel recognised that the famine could not be ended while the
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underground. Hatherton found himself in the unusual and uncomfortable position of defending the status quo alongside
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Littleton also took over his great-uncle's parliamentary seat. From 1812 to 1832, he was Member of Parliament for
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Records of the Littleton Family of Teddesley and Hatherton, Barons Hatherton at Staffordshire Record Office
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in the County of Stafford. Hatherton took his title from a Staffordshire village which at that time was an
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868:. His wife, Hyacinthe Mary, too became seriously ill, dying at the beginning of 1849. Hatherton served as
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838:. Parliament was reconvened on 19 January and the government's revised strategy sketchily outlined to in
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himself. Littleton spoke against his own nomination, expressing his confidence in the existing Speaker,
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After the 1830 General Election ended Tory domination, and brought in a minority Whig government under
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Memorial to Hatherton's wife and daughter, who predeceased him. St. Michael and All Angels, Penkridge
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609:, one of the most radical of the Irish party, brought forward a petition demanding the repeal of the
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Victoria County History: Staffordshire: Volume 5, East Cuttlestone Hundred, 16, Penkridge – Manors.
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companies who inconvenienced residents without notice, and a demand that they pay compensation.
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and the Irish secretary resigned. The two latter were induced to serve under the new premier,
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One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the
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One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the
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that gave Ireland prominence but wandered across such topics as the marriage of the Spanish
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It is some measure of the regard in which he was held by parliamentary Radicals that in the
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to power. Shortly afterwards, the new administration raised Littleton to the peerage as
234:(18 March 1791 – 4 May 1863), was a British politician from the extended
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Memorial to Edward Littleton, 1st Baron Hatherton in St Michael's church, Penkridge.
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This article is about the 19th century politician. For the 17th century jurist, see
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including Thomas Shepherd's Journal and his coastal views, The NZ Company of 1825.
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A listing of his economic interests in 1862, the year before his death, includes:
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In February 1835, Littleton won re-election to the House of Commons as member for
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As the Truck Act passed into Law, Littleton was drafted into detailed work on the
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Lord Hatherton married Hyacinthe Mary Wellesley, eldest illegitimate daughter of
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that he did not care about Ireland. This was overheard by one of the members for
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emancipation. In 1825, as a preliminary to a Catholic Relief Bill promoted by
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Memoirs and Correspondence relating to Political Occurrences, June–July 1834
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The Rosanna Settlers: with Captain Herd on the coast of New Zealand 1826-7
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Hatherton made a number of important speeches in the period leading up to
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of 1845, with its disastrously divisive consequences for the Tory party.
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1631:. Vol. 15 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 147.
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The Records of the Queen's Own Royal Regiment of Staffordshire Yeomanry
1071:. Vol. 13 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 63.
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1391:(1991): The Great Hunger, Ireland 1845–1849: London, Penguin Books:
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Irish nationalists. In 1836, for example, we find him defending the
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of Littleton to inherit the large landed estates of his great-uncle
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522:, a fellow Radical, supported Littleton's non-partisan view but
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Fatal Necessity: British Intervention in New Zealand, 1830–1847
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Whig (British political party) MPs for English constituencies
502:, against his own wish, he was nominated by the Scottish MP
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dealt with the famine, as closely as possible according to
593:) peasantry. This sporadically flared into violence in the
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of the first reformed House of Commons. He was seconded by
265:. Throughout his career he was actively concerned with the
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parish church. He was succeeded in the barony by his son
578:. Incensed by the legal requirement to pay tithes to the
986:), that made the first attempt to colonise New Zealand.
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Littleton was born Edward Walhouse, and was educated at
1174:, Lichfield: Lomax, 1870, pp. 58, 72, 76, 93; Appendix.
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As a peer, Hatherton was automatically a member of the
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1492:. BWB e-Book. Bridget Williams Books. p. 197.
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1684:(1990 edition). New York: St Martin's Press, 1990.
685:. When the Tory peers rallied to the cause of the
574:The main point of conflict was the issue of Irish
2060:Peers of the United Kingdom created by William IV
617:Littleton with deception; and in July 1834 Grey,
21:Edward Littleton, 1st Baron Lyttleton of Mounslow
1711:contributions in Parliament by Edward Littleton
1431:Hansard: Address in Answer 1847-01-19, column 9
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1475:VCH Staffordshire: Volume 5: 23, Teddesley Hay
1378:Hansard: Meeting of Parliament 19 January 1847
915:Shareshill, Teddesley, Water Eaton, Wolgarston
751:, a Tory grandee hated in the mining areas of
741:Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury
463:qualification and a complete redrawing of the
423:, Littleton took up the campaign against the
8:
1784:Member of Parliament for Staffordshire South
1680:Kidd, Charles, Williamson, David (editors).
1525:"Chapter 3: The New Zealand Company of 1825"
365:until 1835. He spent most of that time as a
2065:British businesspeople in the coal industry
1063:Hatherton, Edward John Littleton, 1st Baron
722:Hatherton was always a zealous promoter of
707:Another cause was the struggle against the
1715:
1420:Hansard: Address in Answer 19 January 1847
225:Edward John Littleton, 1st Baron Hatherton
27:
996:Richard Wellesley, 1st Marquess Wellesley
749:Charles Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry
732:about working conditions more generally.
569:Richard Wellesley, 1st Marquess Wellesley
1693:Leigh Rayment's Historical List of MPs
1040:
1038:
1036:
1034:
970:In 1825 Littleton was a director of the
54:An 1834 portrait of Edward Littleton by
2040:Members of the Privy Council of Ireland
1409:Hansard: Queen's Speech 19 January 1847
1030:
637:– part of a Whig victory that returned
601:in Ireland to suppress rural violence.
1740:Member of Parliament for Staffordshire
1556:
1546:
823:principles, through the administrator
768:Staffordshire and Worcestershire Canal
551:Chief Secretary for Ireland, 1833–1834
396:Bill that finally became law in 1829.
1006:, later an author and art historian.
942:. By 1860, he had established a free
673:in 1847, perhaps for family reasons.
485:Representation of the People Act 1832
7:
1642:Baron Hatherton at Cracrofts peerage
543:on 11 July 1814 and was promoted to
448:, who was hated by the Radicals and
363:the southern division of that county
81:May 1833 – 14 November 1834
1960:Alumni of Brasenose College, Oxford
1906:Thomas Anson, 2nd Earl of Lichfield
1874:Thomas Anson, 1st Earl of Lichfield
974:, a venture chaired by the wealthy
629:Career in House of Lords, 1835–1863
1805:Sir Francis Holyoake-Goodricke, Bt
14:
2015:Lord-lieutenants of Staffordshire
489:Parliamentary Boundaries Act 1832
344:from his uncle, Edward Walhouse.
259:Parliamentary Boundaries Act 1832
2005:UK MPs who were granted peerages
1896:Lord Lieutenant of Staffordshire
1720:Parliament of the United Kingdom
1682:Debrett's Peerage and Baronetage
1605:
1045:
870:Lord Lieutenant of Staffordshire
605:Irish Repealers in the Commons.
500:Speaker election of January 1833
48:
2020:Staffordshire Yeomanry officers
1955:People educated at Rugby School
1688:Leigh Rayment's Peerage Pages
881:Business and property interests
679:Municipal Corporations Act 1835
263:Municipal Corporations Act 1835
817:John Russell, 1st Earl Russell
677:in the campaign preceding the
16:British politician (1791–1863)
1:
2045:Chief Secretaries for Ireland
1914:Peerage of the United Kingdom
1860:Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant
802:However, the disaster of the
737:Mines and Collieries Act 1842
555:In May 1833 Littleton became
2035:Fellows of the Royal Society
1749:Lord Granville Leveson-Gower
1729:Lord Granville Leveson-Gower
1575:Wakefield, Edward Jerningham
792:suppression of Orange lodges
369:Tory, but moved over to the
1827:Chief Secretary for Ireland
1759:Sir John Fenton Boughey, Bt
1511:...first published in 1977.
416:rather than merely a Whig.
353:Political career, 1812–1833
276:Hatherton was also a major
271:Chief Secretary for Ireland
69:Chief Secretary for Ireland
2081:
1000:Hyacinthe-Gabrielle Roland
561:Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
467:boundaries to abolish the
236:Littleton/Lyttelton family
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1523:McDonnell, Hilda (2002).
1093:Hansard 12 September 1831
531:Military career 1814–1833
491:, which owed much of its
314:Brasenose College, Oxford
218:
213:Brasenose College, Oxford
135:
74:
63:
47:
1937:Edward Richard Littleton
1889:The Marquess of Anglesey
1733:Sir Edward Littleton, Bt
1583:. John Murray. p. 4
1367:Hansard 19 February 1839
1334:Hansard 24 February 1846
1268:Hansard 13 February 1845
1148:Hansard 28 February 1832
1115:Hansard 14 December 1830
921:236 holdings, in Walsall
778:Proposed changes to the
657:, where Littleton owned
361:and then was the MP for
296:Background and education
1801:Sir John Wrottesley, Bt
1793:Sir John Wrottesley, Bt
1771:Constituency abolished
1764:Sir John Wrottesley, Bt
1628:Encyclopædia Britannica
1159:Hansard 29 January 1833
1137:Hansard 9 November 1830
1126:Hansard 23 January 2003
1068:Encyclopædia Britannica
535:He was commissioned as
273:between 1833 and 1834.
1864:Staffordshire Yeomanry
1623:Jameson, Anna Brownell
1593:Digitised 22 July 2009
1224:Hansard 13 August 1835
962:
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840:Speech from the Throne
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671:Speech from the Throne
635:Staffordshire Southern
541:Staffordshire Yeomanry
516:Charles Manners-Sutton
324:, 4th and last of the
305:
106:The Viscount Melbourne
1820:Sir John Hobhouse, Bt
1667:. London : 1872.
1486:Adams, Peter (2013).
1301:Hansard 30 March 1846
1235:Hansard 11 April 1837
1170:Capt P.C.G. Webster,
1104:Hansard 16 March 1830
1082:Hansard 22 April 1825
1004:Anna Brownell Jameson
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918:Walsall Estate Rental
495:to Littleton's work.
446:Lord George Beresford
429:1831 general election
394:Catholic Emancipation
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251:Catholic Emancipation
118:Sir John Hobhouse, Bt
1671:Walpole, Sir Spencer
1389:Woodham-Smith, Cecil
1356:Hansard 25 June 1844
1345:Hansard 7 March 1836
1312:Hansard 17 July 1846
1257:Hansard 30 June 1842
1246:Hansard 12 June 1840
1213:Hansard 10 July 1833
1202:Hansard 14 June 1833
944:agricultural college
322:Sir Edward Littleton
33:The Right Honourable
1965:Tory MPs (pre-1834)
1677:, vol. iii. (1890).
1647:29 May 2012 at the
1442:Hansard 23 May 1852
1323:Hansard 20 May 1845
1290:Hansard 4 July 1845
1279:Hansard 23 May 1845
976:John George Lambton
972:New Zealand Company
966:New Zealand Company
563:in the ministry of
202:Hyacinthe Wellesley
1837:Sir Henry Hardinge
1812:Political offices
1675:History of England
982:MP (and later 1st
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955:
846:, and problems in
611:Acts of Union 1800
545:Lieutenant-Colonel
477:John Wilson Croker
377:'s death in 1827.
326:Littleton Baronets
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130:Sir Henry Hardinge
37:The Lord Hatherton
1943:
1942:
1934:Succeeded by
1903:Succeeded by
1871:Succeeded by
1844:Military offices
1834:Succeeded by
1798:Succeeded by
1788:1832–1835
1744:1812–1832
1499:978-1-927277-19-5
825:Charles Trevelyan
784:1 & 2 Will. 4
583:Church of Ireland
539:of the part-time
457:Great Reform Bill
222:
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2010:Barons Hatherton
2000:UK MPs 1832–1835
1995:UK MPs 1831–1832
1990:UK MPs 1830–1831
1985:UK MPs 1826–1830
1980:UK MPs 1820–1826
1975:UK MPs 1818–1820
1886:Preceded by
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1849:Preceded by
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932:
903:
884:
866:tuberculosis
862:
857:
829:
804:Great Famine
801:
788:
777:
761:
745:child labour
734:
721:
706:
697:
692:
675:
663:
642:
632:
615:
603:
599:civil rights
591:Presbyterian
573:
554:
534:
520:Lord Althorp
497:
465:Constituency
454:
438:
425:truck system
418:
398:
379:
356:
307:
275:
224:
223:
165:(1863-05-04)
125:Succeeded by
76:
25:
2030:1863 deaths
2025:1791 births
1709:1803–2005:
773:broad gauge
717:Robert Peel
709:Church Rate
704:observed."
589:(otherwise
504:Joseph Hume
269:and he was
177:Nationality
113:Preceded by
1949:Categories
1931:1835–1863
1900:1854–1863
1868:1829–1833
1831:1833–1834
1766:1823–1832
1761:1820–1823
1756:1815–1820
1754:Earl Gower
1587:9 December
1536:9 December
1505:9 December
1025:References
1011:Wirksworth
724:Lord's Day
713:Dissenters
683:ratepayers
580:Protestant
506:to become
367:Canningite
240:Canningite
208:Alma mater
163:4 May 1863
151:1791-03-18
90:William IV
1751:1812–1815
1559:ignored (
1549:cite book
1015:Penkridge
936:home farm
887:Penkridge
875:telegraph
852:Argentina
808:Corn Laws
647:Hatherton
639:Melbourne
595:Tithe War
565:Earl Grey
481:Aldeburgh
461:Franchise
442:Waterford
421:Earl Grey
334:Penkridge
282:Penkridge
77:In office
1645:Archived
1577:(1845).
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701:Oxbridge
587:Catholic
487:and the
261:and the
1706:Hansard
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895:Walsall
891:Cannock
844:Infanta
687:freemen
651:exclave
567:, with
559:to the
508:Speaker
414:Radical
410:Walsall
380:In the
342:Cannock
338:Walsall
332:, near
312:and at
290:Walsall
286:Cannock
180:British
86:Monarch
1790:With:
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757:Durham
576:Tithes
373:after
348:Career
257:, the
253:, the
243:Tories
199:Spouse
929:Wood.
645:, of
537:Major
371:Whigs
328:, of
310:Rugby
247:Whigs
1851:Hon
1589:2020
1561:help
1538:2020
1507:2020
1494:ISBN
1393:ISBN
1186:ISBN
998:and
980:Whig
893:and
850:and
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762:The
755:and
471:and
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340:and
288:and
193:Whig
189:Tory
160:Died
145:Born
1625:".
1065:".
653:of
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