Eichmann in Jerusalem - Knowledge (XXG)

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opinion of him, since it was in the parts of the trial that she missed that the more forceful aspects of his character appeared. Cesarani also suggested that Eichmann was in fact highly anti-Semitic and that these feelings were important motivators of his actions. Thus, he alleges that Arendt's opinion that his motives were "banal" and non-ideological and that he had abdicated his autonomy of choice by obeying Hitler's orders without question may stand on weak foundations. This is a recurrent criticism of Arendt, though nowhere in her work does Arendt deny that Eichmann was an anti-Semite, and she also did not say that Eichmann was "simply" following orders, but rather had internalized the rationalities of the Nazi regime.

274:, Eichmann found himself depressed because "it then dawned on him that thenceforward he would have to live without being a member of something or other". Arendt pointed out that his actions were not driven by malice, but rather blind dedication to the regime and his need to belong, to be a joiner. In his own words: "I sensed I would have to live a leaderless and difficult individual life, I would receive no directives from anybody, no orders and commands would any longer be issued to me, no pertinent ordinances would be there to consult—in brief, a life never known before lay ahead of me." 155: 740:. He argued that Arendt fell prey to her own preconceived notions that rendered her work ahistorical. He also directly criticized her for ignoring the facts offered at the trial in stating that "the disparity between what Miss Arendt states, and what the ascertained facts are, occurs with such a disturbing frequency in her book that it can hardly be accepted as an authoritative historical work." He further condemned Arendt and her work for her prejudices against Hauser and Ben-Gurion depicted in 770:, as a basis for Arendt's seeking to validate her own work by using Eichmann as an example. Lipstadt further contends that Arendt "wanted the trial to explicate how these societies succeeded in getting others to do their atrocious biddings" and so framed her analysis in a way which would agree with this pursuit. However, Arendt has also been praised for being among the first to point out that intellectuals, such as Eichmann and other leaders of the 798: 672:; she described the Israeli crowds in her letter to Karl Jaspers: "My first impression: On top, the judges, the best of German Jewry. Below them, the prosecuting attorneys, Galicians, but still Europeans. Everything is organized by a police force that gives me the creeps, speaks only Hebrew, and looks Arabic. Some downright brutal types among them. They would obey any order. And outside the doors, the 618:, maintains that "Arendt became the object of considerable scorn, even calumny" because she highlighted Eichmann's "banality" and "normalcy", and accepted Eichmann's claim that he did not have evil intents or motives to commit such horrors; nor did he have a thought to the immorality and evil of his actions, or indeed, display, as the prosecution depicted, that he was a sadistic "monster". 1672:"She acknowledges her debt," Trevor-Roper wrote, "but the full extent of that debt can be appreciated only by those who have read both. Again and again the arguments, the very phrases, are unconsciously repeated." Trevor-Roper's review was largely forgotten, as was his conclusion that "indeed, behind the whole of Miss Arendt's book stands the overshadowing bulk of Mr. Hilberg's." 694:, Barry Gewen argued that Cesarani's hostility stemmed from his book standing "in the shadow of one of the great books of the last half-century", and that Cesarani's suggestion that both Arendt and Eichmann had much in common in their backgrounds, making it easier for her to look down on the proceedings, "reveals a writer in control neither of his material nor of himself." 583:

been captured and killed. Arendt says in her book that Freudiger should have remembered that as many as ninety-nine percent of those who did not flee were killed. Furthermore, she says that Freudiger, like many other leaders of the Jewish Councils, had managed to survive the genocide because they were wealthy and able to buy the favors of the Nazi authorities.

477:, and says that Ben-Gurion wanted, for several political reasons, to emphasize not primarily what Eichmann had done, but what the Jews had suffered during the Holocaust. She points out that the war criminals tried at Nuremberg were "indicted for crimes against the members of various nations," without special reference to the Nazi genocide against the Jews. 1982: 582:

The aforementioned Pinchas Freudiger was a witness in the trial, and during his deposition there were many objections from the public. To the accusation of not having advised the Jews to flee rather than passively surrender to the Germans, Freudiger replied that about half of the fugitives would have

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Despite all the efforts of the prosecution, everybody could see that this man was not a "monster," but it was difficult indeed not to suspect that he was a clown. And since this suspicion would have been fatal to the entire enterprise , and was also rather hard to sustain in view of the sufferings he

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Wherever Jews lived, there were recognized Jewish leaders, and this leadership, almost without exception, cooperated in one way or another, for one reason or another, with the Nazis. The whole truth was that if the Jewish people had really been unorganized and leaderless, there would have been chaos

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And just as you supported and carried out a policy of not wanting to share the earth with the Jewish people and the people of a number of other nations—as though you and your superiors had any right to determine who should and who should not inhabit the world—we find that no one, that is, no member

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Arendt confirms several points where Eichmann actually claimed he was responsible for certain atrocities, even though he lacked the power or expertise to take these actions. Moreover, Eichmann made these claims even though they hurt his defense, hence Arendt's remark that "Bragging was the vice that

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questioned Arendt's portrait of Eichmann on several grounds. According to his findings, Arendt attended only part of the trial, witnessing Eichmann's testimony for "at most four days" and basing her writings mostly on recordings and the trial transcript. Cesarani feels that this may have skewed her

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and transported to Israel, an illegal act, and that he was tried in Israel even though he was not accused of committing any crimes there. "If he had not been found guilty before he appeared in Jerusalem, guilty beyond any reasonable doubt, the Israelis would never have dared, or wanted, to kidnap

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and in resistance to an opponent possessing vastly superior means of violence. It was not just that the people of Denmark refused to assist in implementing the Final Solution, as the peoples of so many other conquered nations had been persuaded to do (or had been eager to do) — but also, that when

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The controversy began by calling attention to the conduct of the Jewish people during the years of the Final Solution, thus following up the question, first raised by the Israeli prosecutor, of whether the Jews could or should have defended themselves. I had dismissed that question as silly and

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Another of the most controversial points raised by Arendt in her book is her criticism concerning the alleged role of Jewish authorities in the Holocaust. In her writings, Arendt expressed her objections to the prosecution's refusal to address the cooperation of the leaders of the

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Arendt's subtitle famously introduced the phrase "the banality of evil." In part the phrase refers to Eichmann's deportment at the trial as the man displayed neither guilt for his actions nor hatred for those trying him, claiming he bore no responsibility because he was simply

757:, that Eichmann was, in fact, an insidious antisemite. She utilized the Sassen Papers and accounts of Eichmann while in Argentina to prove that he was proud of his position as a powerful Nazi and the murders that this allowed him to commit. While she acknowledges that the 502:

throughout history." Hausner's corresponding opening statements, which heavily referenced biblical passages, was "bad history and cheap rhetoric," according to Arendt. Furthermore, it suggested that Eichmann was no criminal, but the "innocent executor of some foreordained

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the Reich cracked down and decided to do the job itself it found that its own personnel in Denmark had been infected by this and were unable to overcome their human aversion with the appropriate ruthlessness, as their peers in more cooperative areas had.

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Eichmann's inability to think for himself was exemplified by his consistent use of "stock phrases and self-invented clichés". The man demonstrated his unrealistic worldview and crippling lack of communication skills through reliance on "officialese"

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cruel, since it testified to a fatal ignorance of the conditions at the time. It has now been discussed to exhaustion, and the most amazing conclusions have been drawn. The well-known historico-sociological construct of "ghetto mentality"...

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attitude towards other people, especially his family and friends, was "highly desirable", while another remarked that the only unusual trait Eichmann displayed was being more "normal" in his habits and speech than the average

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were not disclosed in the lifetime of Arendt, she argues that the evidence was there at the trial to prove that Eichmann was an antisemitic murderer and that Arendt simply ignored this. Deborah Lipstadt contends in her book

484:, which rejected universal jurisdiction and required that defendants be tried "in the territory of which the act was committed" or by an international tribunal. The court in Jerusalem did not pursue either option. 1374: 725:(Cambridge University Press. 2017), which she had read in manuscript. Adler took her to task on her view of Eichmann in his keynote essay "What does Hannah Arendt know about Eichmann and the Final Solution?" ( 289:, through family connections. Arendt noted that, during both his SS career and Jerusalem trial, Eichmann tried to cover up his lack of skills and education, and even "blushed" when these facts came to light. 607:... This was the unexpected conclusion certain reviewers chose to draw from the "image" of a book, created by certain interest groups, in which I allegedly had claimed that the Jews had murdered themselves. 539:

Many mid-20th century pundits were favorable to the concept, which has been called "one of the most memorable phrases of 20th-century intellectual life," and it features in many contemporary debates about

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Eichmann was a "joiner" his entire life, in that he constantly joined organizations in order to define himself, and had difficulties thinking for himself without doing so. As a youth, he belonged to the

736:. One instance of this came mere weeks after the publication of her articles in the form of an article entitled "Man With an Unspotted Conscience". This work was written by witness for the prosecution 594:

upon publication and in the years following was controversial. Arendt has long been accused of "blaming the victim" in the book. She responded to the initial criticism in a postscript to the book:

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she stated that Hausner was "a typical Galician Jew... constantly making mistakes. Probably one of those people who doesn't know any language." Cesarani says that some of her opinions of Jews of

191:" and principle of reciprocity implicit in the categorical imperative, but had understood only the concept of one man's actions coinciding with general law. Eichmann attempted to follow the 2278: 226:

While Eichmann might have had antisemitic leanings, Arendt argued that he showed "no case of insane hatred of Jews, of fanatical antisemitism or indoctrination of any kind. He

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has been repeatedly dragged in to explain behavior which was not at all confined to the Jewish people and which therefore cannot be explained by specifically Jewish factors

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One is tempted to recommend the story as required reading in political science for all students who wish to learn something about the enormous power potential inherent in

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can make even the most ordinary of people commit horrendous crimes with the proper incentives, but Arendt adamantly disagreed with this interpretation, as Eichmann was

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than live as a nobody. This parallels his overestimation of his own intelligence and his past value in the organizations in which he had served, as stated above.

2258: 774:, were in fact more accepted in the Third Reich despite Nazi Germany's persistent use of anti-intellectual propaganda. During a 2013 review of historian 195:

of the laws he carried out, as if the legislator himself would approve. In Kant's formulation of the categorical imperative, the legislator is the moral

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that Arendt was too distracted by her own views of totalitarianism to objectively judge Eichmann. She refers to Arendt's own work on totalitarianism,

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Eichmann's deeds were not crimes under German law, as, at that time, in the eyes of the Third Reich, he was a law-abiding citizen. He was tried for '

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Despite his claims, Eichmann was not, in fact, very intelligent. As Arendt details in the book's second chapter, he was unable to complete either

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and plenty of misery but the total number of victims would hardly have been between four and a half and six million people. According to

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Beyond her discussion of Eichmann himself, Arendt discusses several additional aspects of the trial, its context, and the Holocaust.

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Jews, who make life impossible for all reasonable people here." Cesarani's book was itself criticized. In a review that appeared in

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elite." Unlike the Einsatzgruppen leaders, however, Eichmann would suffer from a "lack of imagination" and an "inability to think."

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journalist Jan Mieszkowski praised Arendt for being "well aware that there was a place for the thinking man in the Third Reich."

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Cesarani suggests that Arendt's own prejudices influenced the opinions she expressed during the trial. He argues that like many

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commissions. Others see the popularization of the concept as a valuable warrant against walking negligently into horror, as the

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of the human race, can be expected to want to share the earth with you. This is the reason, and the only reason, you must hang.

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calculations about half of them could have saved themselves if they had not followed the instructions of the Jewish Councils.

498:, followed the tone set by Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, who stated, "It is not an individual nor the Nazi regime on trial, but 175:

Arendt takes Eichmann's court testimony and the historical evidence available, and she makes several observations about him:

1445: 409:, just as the lesson of the countries to which the Final Solution was proposed is that "it could happen" in most places but 1186: 1063: 1191: 154: 744:. Musmanno argued that Arendt revealed "so frequently her own prejudices" that it could not stand as an accurate work. 17: 2273: 2059: 956: 1810: 1273: 652:) in great disdain. This, according to Cesarani, led her to attack the conduct and efficacy of the chief prosecutor, 1258: 827: 439:

and his like had caused to millions of people, his worst clowneries were hardly noticed and almost never reported.

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and different from "normal" people. From this document, many concluded that situations such as the

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was Eichmann's undoing". Arendt also suggests that Eichmann may have preferred to be executed as a

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defenses rather than thinking for himself, was motivated by professional promotion rather than

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Azoulay, Ariella; Honig, Bonnie (May 2016). "Between Nuremberg and Jerusalem: Hannah Arendt's

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By the 21st century, Arendt had received further criticism from authors Bettina Stangneth and

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Arendt also received criticism in the form of responses to her article, also published in the

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During his imprisonment before his trial, the Israeli government sent no fewer than six

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or some other half-Asiatic country. In addition, and very visible in Jerusalem, the

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Musmanno, Michael. “Man With an Unspotted Conscience” New York: New Yorker, 1963.

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She questions Israel's right to try Eichmann. Israel was a signatory to the 1950

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Becoming Eichmann: Rethinking the Life, Crimes and Trial of a "Desk Murderer"

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Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers Correspondence, 1926–1969, p. 435, Letter 285.

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Becoming Eichmann: Rethinking the Life, Crimes and Trial of a "Desk Murderer"

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origin. According to Cesarani, in a letter to the noted German philosopher

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Arendt suggests that this most strikingly discredits the idea that the

952:"The Banality of Intellect: Christian Ingrao's 'Believe and Destroy'" 685: 669: 372: 200: 1375:"Why Does Hannah Arendt's 'Banality of Evil' Still Anger Israelis?" 1302:

The Evil of Banality: On The Life and Death Importance of Thinking

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Eichmann Before Jerusalem: The Unexamined Life of a Mass Murderer

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Arendt, Hannah (2013-12-03). "Eichmann Was Outrageously Stupid".

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which contains excerpts from Eichmann's pre-trial interrogation

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Eichmann stated in court that he had always tried to abide by

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Hannah Arendt Papers: Speeches and Writings File, 1923-1975

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Arendt's book introduced the expression and concept of the

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to examine Eichmann. These psychologists found no trace of

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Arendt argues that Eichmann, in his peripheral role at the

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Theresienstadt 1941-1945. The Face of a Coerced Community

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is a 1963 book by the philosopher and political thinker

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