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Federation of Workers of the Spanish Region

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584:- identified the Black Hand with the FTRE with a dual purpose, according to Clara Lida: "firstly, to drastically stop the growing force of the International in Spain. The second objective was more local: it was about making it impossible for the farm workers to organize and preventing an agrarian strike from making it difficult to harvest the crops." The Federal Committee of the FTRE, which had already reiterated that the propaganda could not be carried out "neither because of the robbery, nor because of the kidnapping, nor because of the murder," replied that it had no connection with the Black Hand, "nor with any secret association that has for its own sake an objective to perpetrate crimes of common law, refusing all solidarity with those who have committed or may commit criminal acts." It also condemned 123: 535:. On November 21, a group of 90 civil guards arrived in Jerez under the command of Captain José Oliver y Vidal who immediately, with the help of the head of the Jerez municipal guard, Tomás Pérez Monforte, proceeded to arrest hundreds of day laborers and affiliates of the FRTE, supposed members of the mysterious Black Hand. In a few weeks there were more than 3,000 day laborers and anarchists imprisoned — Josep Termes gives a much higher figure: 2,000 in Cádiz and 3,000 in Jerez. As Avilés Farré has pointed out, "in most cases the reason why they were detained was not for belonging to the Black Hand, but to the FTRE". The body of the FRTE 648: 640: 543: 577:", who later became known to have been assassinated the same day as the innkeepers. It was known as the crime of the Parrilla. At that time, it transpired that the death of the young ranch guard named Fernando Olivera, which occurred in August 1882, had not been an accident, but had been caused by the strong blows he had received in the belly. In February 1883 the government sent a special judge to Jerez to investigate the facts. And the matter also reached the Courts where it was debated on February 28. 675:", whose purpose was "to bring together in a common action the resistant force of the Spanish proletariat to direct it against the prevailing capitalism...". To this end, "unconditional support for any strike promoted by workers to safeguard their outraged dignity or to improve their working conditions" was approved, although it was recommended that strikes only be carried out "under favorable conditions." The new organization, according to Tuñón de Lara, "was halfway between 348: 408:, far from disappearing, had resurfaced with such force, going from 30,000 affiliates in 1873 to 60,000 in 1882. Lida also stressed that the "profile" of the new FTRE was very different from that of the eight-year-old FRE-AIT before. "Unlike in 1873, when the manufacturing, industrial and urban areas of Barcelona, Valencia (including Alicante) and Madrid predominated, the profile of the new militants in 1882 was strongly 704: 232: 683:". However, according to Josep Termes, was rather contrary to societarism, as the following statement would prove: "Understand well, we are talking about spontaneous and natural resistance, not that which presupposes a universal, patient and calculated organization, to get a few more cents in wages or an hour less work... This kind of resistance is as ineffective and impractical as cooperation." 627:
protested the confusion of "our public, legal and revolutionary organization, with other factions with objectionable objectives" and once again rejected any solidarity with those who organize "the perpetration of common crimes", also agreeing "to dissolve the Federation if it cannot act calmly in the law." The Manifesto of Congress concluded: "In order to redeem itself, the
531:" that he had found and by which "the Socialists" in the region, which according to the report was proof that this secret organization was behind the "fires, felling of mountains and trees, injuries or murders" that were taking place in those months of agrarian crisis. Two weeks after receiving the documents, the government decided to send reinforcements to the 619:
conspiracy, which would be behind all the acts of violence that had been taking place in the fields of western Andalusia. The ominous name of the Black Hand came to specify in something specific a diffuse fear and had an undoubted journalistic appeal, although ultimately in no process was any activity attributable to that mysterious organization ever proven."
731:" tendency advocated the strengthening of the organization so that, through strikes and other forms of struggle, it could wrest improvements in wages and working conditions from the employers. The brutal repression unleashed by the government on the Andalusian anarchists as a result of the murders and robberies attributed to the 564:
The press, both in Cádiz and in Madrid, dealt with the matter without questioning the existence of the Black Hand and creating an atmosphere of fear based on sensational articles on the "abominable association", "abortion of dementia and crime." It focused on the three crimes of which the Black Hand
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In the manifesto approved in Congress, the moderate anarcho-collectivist and legalist theses triumphed - it was proclaimed, for example, that strikes "when we cannot necessarily avoid them, we will do them regulatory and solidarity". However, "unanimity" within the FTRE was not such, as demonstrated
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affirms that it was "a police setup", although he acknowledges that "it is undeniable that violence was present in agrarian Andalusia." According to Avilés Farré, "the regulations of the Black Hand and the People's Court were understood by some Civil Guard commanders as proof of a vast clandestine
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to investigate the affiliates' meetings. For this reason, the newspaper demanded that the "public powers" not resort to "reprobate and illegal means" to repress the workers - "take us to the courts of justice, and they, that they acquit us or condemn us; but do not inhibit the workers' spirits, do
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On July 10, some fifty workers 'societies in Catalonia - which had held a previous assembly in March - made public a manifesto, probably written by Farga Pellicer, in which they called a workers' congress of the Spanish Region in Barcelona for the end of September. Soon the "collectivist workers"
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on June 14, 1884, in Jerez - among them the school teacher Juan Ruiz. Regarding the crime of the landlords, four people were sentenced to death, but they were not executed. For the third crime, that of Fernando Oliveira, two people were tried, and one of them was sentenced to a long prison term.
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The social impact that the Black Hand affair had and the fear that it would cause the FTRE to be outlawed, caused the Federal Committee, based in Barcelona, to distance itself from the Andalusian movement, accepting the version given by the government and by the press. The angry response of the
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reported that in some places members of the organization were not hired or forced to leave if they wanted to be hired, and many others had lost their job for that reason. The newspaper also denounced that "to the demonstrations that the workers en masse make before the municipalities asking for
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Between May 18 and 20, 1888, an "expanded" Congress was held in Barcelona, which was not attended by the Andalusian federations already opting for anarcho-communism and "illegalism." The delegates, the vast majority Catalan, and the Federal Committee decided to create the Spanish Federation of
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from October 4 to October 1883, accused the impact of the "Black Hand" affair as fewer delegates and federations attended than the previous one held in Seville (152 delegates representing 88 local Federations; no the data of the total affiliates were given). On the "Black Hand", the Congress
667:" held another in Seville three months later, attended by 34 entities, of which 25 were from Andalusia. The Congress held the following year was a complete failure, as was the one held in Madrid between May 15 and 17, 1887, in which only 16 delegates attended. 364:
We are adversaries of all parliamentary politics and determined champions of the economic struggle, of the destructive politics of all privileges and all monopolies of this unjust organization of present society. The workers' Congress declares itself
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For the crime of La Parrilla, on June 18, 1883, the Jerez court sentenced seven people to death and another eight to seventeen years and four months in prison. Two of the accused were acquitted. But the prosecutor appealed the sentence to the
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Regarding the existence or not of the "Black Hand", Tuñón de Lara affirms that "nothing allows, in short, to speak of the "Black Hand" as an organization. This is not an obstacle to the existence of small "maffias" (groups influenced by
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again, thus deepening "even more the differences between the Catalan anarcho-syndicalist nucleus and the Andalusian illegalists, as well as those who were beginning to be born in and around Barcelona, especially in GrĂ cia, also prone to
614:), on the frontiers of secular rebellion and common crime that, skillfully exploited by the organs of Power, served to justify a repression and a campaign that, despite their protests, would in some way break the FTRE." For his part, 694:
was founded, "which was the least organization possible; the commission created had no other function than to act as a liaison. There were no statutes or disciplinary rules." But the new organization disappeared the following year.
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had been held, agreed to found the new Federation of Workers of the Spanish Region conforming to legality by suppressing the word "international", one of the reasons that had motivated the prohibition of its predecessor the
412:, with great weight from the agrarian organizations that for a decade they had united in the Union of Rural Workers (UTC), specifically aimed at organizing the agricultural proletariat within the Spanish Federation." 277:—which would put an end to the period of secrecy—, they proposed to change the policy of the Federal Commission, which "had moved away from the idea of large labor movements, in favor of secret groups, supporters of 740:
Although the anarchist movement continued to be present through publications and educational initiatives, with the dissolution of the FRTE, "the way was opened for the predominance of individual actions of a
723:" — since any type of organization limited individual autonomy and could "distract" its components from the basic objective, the revolution, in addition to promoting their "gentrification" - and the " 452:, led by the Andalusian Miguel Rubio. The debate focused on maintaining the Federation in legality. "While some, especially the Catalan trade unionists, wanted a public movement that would structure a 656:
Andalusian federations was immediate, opening an ever larger and insurmountable gap within the FTRE that led to the gradual decrease in the number of affiliates and its dissolution five years later.
737:, a mysterious and supposed underground anarchist organization that had nothing to do with the FTRE, contributed to the triumph of the "spontaneist" and "insurrectionalist" tendency in 1883. 686:
In October 1888 the "Pact" held a Congress in Valencia in which it was decided to dissolve the FTRE, and separate union activity, which would be reserved for the newly created
304:. "The history of the Spanish Regional Federation of the AIT ended here, to give way to the reconstruction of a powerful union movement, something that the same men of the 506:", especially in Andalusia that was going through a serious agrarian crisis, they responded "by arresting the most determined and sending forces of the Army to maintain 491:
And on the other hand, it was not clear that the authorities and employers were going to tolerate the existence of an anarchist organization that advocated the
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who were not very inclined to public union action." Almost simultaneously with the celebration of the Extraordinary Conference, the liberal government of
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was accused. On December 4, two days after the first wave of arrests ordered by Captain Oliver, a couple of innkeepers were assassinated on the road to
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sector prevailed, which criticized the existence of a public, legal organization with a union dimension and which, on the contrary, defended the "
573:. Two months later, on February 4, the corpse, buried in the open field, of a young peasant named Bartolomé Gago, better known as "El Blanco de 328: 327:
The Congress, which was held between September 24 and 25, 1881 at the Teatro Circo de Barcelona on Montserrat Street, the same place where the
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The Federal Commission was established on October 7 with the Barcelona internationalist group that had taken the initiative to end the FRE -
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which in April 1884 sentenced all but one to capital punishment. Nine had the death sentence commuted to prison but seven were executed by
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not outrage them, do not threaten them, do not raid their homes, do not apprehend them, do not take them to jail like common criminals."
1374:(2010). "La Primera Internacional en España, entre la organización pública y la clandestinidad (1868-1889)". In Casanova, Julián (ed.). 687: 542: 1511: 1465: 1413: 1361: 647: 1481: 639: 1516: 246:
led to its dissolution in 1881 as soon as the possibility of acting legally again was glimpsed. The initiative came from the
708: 433: 464:. The conflict in the Andalusian countryside would put the tensions and differences between the two models to the test." 297: 659:
Only 64 delegates attended the "Cosmopolitan Congress" meeting in Barcelona in September 1884, while the Andalusian
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For this purpose, they convened an Extraordinary Regional Conference that was held from February 6 to 9, 1881 in
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which was attended by one delegate per "region" and during which the dismissal of the Commission —integrated by
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The government supported by the owners and by the press - although there were exceptions such as the newspaper
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The Seville Congress of September 1882: anarcho-collectivism vs. anarcho-communism; legalism vs. illegalism
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in Western Andalusia sent the government a copy of the "regulations" of a secret organization called the "
485: 461: 429: 366: 317: 274: 215: 300:-, was dismissed and replaced by a new one made up of the Catalan leaders, plus the Mallorcan bricklayer 386: 382: 258: 254: 235: 187: 183: 497: 206:. It only had seven years of life since it was dissolved in 1888. Its failure, in which the episode of 570: 547: 532: 352: 341: 179: 524: 511: 404:
has highlighted, is still surprising since after almost ten years of persecution and in hiding the
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who, tried taking advantage of the opportunity offered by the new liberal government chaired by
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they denounced years later that the Federal Commission had not published the agreement of the
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as massive as possible and legal, others, especially in Andalusia, wanted it to maintain its
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did, the anarcho-syndicalists from Barcelona, ex-officio workers, imposed themselves on the
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shortly after the Seville Congress constituted a new federation under the name of
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One year after its founding, the FTRE already had about 60,000 members, which, as
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needs to be, in addition to being intelligent, honest, and honest to all tests."
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According to historian Carlos Dardé, the FTRE was dissolved in 1888 when the
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Anarquismo y sindicalismo en España. La Primera Internacional (1864-1881)
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La RestauraciĂłn, 1875-1902. Alfonso XII y la regencia de MarĂ­a Cristina
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The episode of the "Black Hand" and the crisis of the FTRE (1882-1883)
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La daga y la dinamita. Los anarquistas y el nacimiento del terrorismo
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protested the indiscriminate arrests of members of the organization.
359:, the federations that grouped Andalusian day laborers predominated. 702: 324:
from twenty-two towns in the rest of Spain joined the proposal.
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The ideological and strategic differences that arose within the
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At the beginning of November 1882, the chief colonel of the
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El movimiento obrero en la historia de España. I.1832-1899
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The decline and final dissolution of the FTRE (1883-1888)
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Resistance to Capital, better known by the name of the "
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Tierra y Libertad. Cien años de anarquismo en España
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The dissolution of the FRE and the birth of the FTRE
707:Illustration from a periodical newspaper about the 138: 112: 102: 84: 74: 56: 46: 36: 28: 751:that would proliferate in the following decade." 436:" clashed for the first time, led by the Catalan 164:FederaciĂłn de Trabajadores de la RegiĂłn Española 23:FederaciĂłn de Trabajadores de la RegiĂłn Española 495:. Thus, at the end of 1882, the FTRE newspaper 362: 210:was key, opened a new stage in the history of 1428:Historia del anarquismo en España (1870-1980) 1271: 1235: 1223: 1175: 1139: 899: 851: 803: 690:, from revolutionary activity, for which the 8: 1163: 1127: 1115: 1103: 1067: 1055: 1043: 1031: 1019: 1007: 971: 959: 947: 935: 923: 863: 839: 779: 692:Anarchist Organization of the Spanish Region 16: 155:Federation of Workers of the Spanish Region 17:Federation of Workers of the Spanish Region 15: 1482:FundaciĂł Ferrer i Guardia: Llunas y FTRE 646: 638: 541: 346: 238:, one of the main promoters of the FTRE. 230: 760: 420:Between September 24 and 26, 1882, the 1259: 1247: 1211: 1187: 1151: 1091: 995: 911: 875: 827: 815: 791: 767: 709:attack against General MartĂ­nez Campos 355:. In the FTRE, unlike its predecessor 200:International Workingmen's Association 41:Spanish Regional Federation of the IWA 1306: 1295: 622:The 3rd Congress of the FTRE held in 273:that had promised the recognition of 7: 1283: 1199: 1079: 983: 887: 643:Workers of a Catalan textile factory 688:Federation of Resistance to Capital 329:Barcelona Workers' Congress of 1870 204:Barcelona Workers' Congress of 1870 173:Barcelona Workers' Congress of 1881 458:secret and revolutionary character 14: 1522:Anarchist organisations in Spain 377:in terms of social organization. 296:, Trinidad Soriano, Nacher, and 175:by the initiative of a group of 121: 1507:1888 disestablishments in Spain 194:, after the dissolution of the 460:, and was willing to practice 1: 1502:1881 establishments in Spain 1456:(in Spanish) (2ÂŞ ed.). 1356:: Historia 16-Temas de Hoy. 90:; 135 years ago 1382:: CrĂ­tica. pp. 33–59. 651:Workers of the same factory 267:Eudald Canivell i Masbernat 244:Spanish Regional Federation 196:Spanish Regional Federation 1538: 406:Spanish anarchist movement 310:insurrectionary anarchists 673:Union and Solidarity Pact 391:Antoni Pellicer i Paraire 263:Antoni Pellicer i Paraire 51:Union and Solidarity Pact 21: 1512:Syndicalist trade unions 22: 482:London Congress of 1881 476:. In their press organ 62:; 142 years ago 60:September 25, 1881 1348:DardĂ©, Carlos (1996). 748:propaganda of the deed 712: 652: 644: 561: 546:Trial held in 1883 in 486:propaganda of the deed 462:propaganda of the deed 395:Francisco Tomás Oliver 379: 369:in terms of property, 360: 318:freedom of association 314:Práxedes Mateo Sagasta 302:Francisco Tomás Oliver 275:freedom of association 271:Práxedes Mateo Sagasta 239: 216:propaganda of the deed 163: 1517:Trade unions in Spain 1450:Tuñón de Lara, Manuel 1333:: Tusquets Editores. 706: 650: 642: 545: 510:", or by sending the 478:The Social Revolution 468:by the fact that the 387:Rafael Farga Pellicer 383:Josep Llunas i Pujals 350: 259:Rafael Farga Pellicer 255:Josep Llunas i Pujals 236:Rafael Farga Pellicer 234: 188:Rafael Farga Pellicer 184:Josep Llunas i Pujals 571:Jerez de la Frontera 548:Jerez de la Frontera 430:anarcho-collectivist 353:Jerez de la Frontera 342:anarcho-collectivism 180:anarcho-syndicalists 745:character, for the 251:anarcho-syndicalist 107:Anarcho-syndicalism 18: 1323:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ©, Juan 1272:Tuñón de Lara 1977 1236:Tuñón de Lara 1977 1226:, pp. 252–253 1224:Tuñón de Lara 1977 1178:, pp. 251–252 1176:Tuñón de Lara 1977 1166:, pp. 164–165 1140:Tuñón de Lara 1977 1130:, p. 158; 163 1118:, pp. 157–158 1070:, pp. 145–147 1034:, pp. 143–144 974:, pp. 143–144 962:, pp. 139–141 950:, pp. 136–137 902:, pp. 246–248 900:Tuñón de Lara 1977 866:, pp. 133–134 852:Tuñón de Lara 1977 818:, pp. 301–304 806:, pp. 241–242 804:Tuñón de Lara 1977 713: 711:(Barcelona, 1893). 653: 645: 562: 552:Blanco de Benaocaz 550:for the murder of 450:insurrectionalists 446:anarcho-communists 361: 240: 212:anarchism in Spain 1441:978-84-9006-017-9 1389:978-84-9892-119-9 1340:978-84-8383-753-5 1164:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1128:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1116:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1104:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1068:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1056:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1044:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1032:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1020:AvilĂ©s FarrĂ© 2013 1008:AvilĂ©s 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202:founded in the 192:Antoni Pellicer 144: 141: 134: 122: 120: 119: 94: 92: 89: 66: 64: 61: 24: 12: 11: 5: 1535: 1533: 1525: 1524: 1519: 1514: 1509: 1504: 1494: 1493: 1490: 1489: 1477: 1476:External links 1474: 1473: 1472: 1466: 1446: 1440: 1430:(in Spanish). 1420: 1414: 1404:(in Spanish). 1394: 1388: 1378:(in Spanish). 1372:Lida, Clara E. 1368: 1362: 1352:(in Spanish). 1345: 1339: 1329:(in Spanish). 1317: 1314: 1311: 1310: 1299: 1288: 1276: 1264: 1252: 1240: 1228: 1216: 1204: 1192: 1180: 1168: 1156: 1144: 1132: 1120: 1108: 1096: 1084: 1072: 1060: 1048: 1036: 1024: 1012: 1000: 988: 976: 964: 952: 940: 928: 916: 904: 892: 880: 868: 856: 844: 832: 820: 808: 796: 784: 772: 759: 758: 756: 753: 729:trade unionist 700: 697: 636: 633: 520: 517: 504:bread and work 417: 414: 338:antipoliticism 228: 225: 223: 220: 149: 148: 145: 139: 136: 135: 133: 132: 116: 114: 110: 109: 104: 100: 99: 86: 82: 81: 76: 72: 71: 58: 54: 53: 48: 44: 43: 38: 34: 33: 30: 26: 25: 13: 10: 9: 6: 4: 3: 2: 1534: 1523: 1520: 1518: 1515: 1513: 1510: 1508: 1505: 1503: 1500: 1499: 1497: 1487: 1483: 1480: 1479: 1475: 1469: 1467:84-7222-331-0 1463: 1459: 1455: 1451: 1447: 1443: 1437: 1433: 1429: 1425: 1424:Termes, Josep 1421: 1417: 1415:84-7423-023-3 1411: 1407: 1403: 1399: 1398:Termes, Josep 1395: 1391: 1385: 1381: 1377: 1373: 1369: 1365: 1363:84-7679-317-0 1359: 1355: 1351: 1346: 1342: 1336: 1332: 1328: 1324: 1320: 1319: 1315: 1308: 1303: 1300: 1297: 1292: 1289: 1285: 1280: 1277: 1274:, p. 301 1273: 1268: 1265: 1262:, p. 107 1261: 1256: 1253: 1250:, p. 108 1249: 1244: 1241: 1238:, p. 301 1237: 1232: 1229: 1225: 1220: 1217: 1213: 1208: 1205: 1201: 1196: 1193: 1189: 1184: 1181: 1177: 1172: 1169: 1165: 1160: 1157: 1153: 1148: 1145: 1142:, p. 251 1141: 1136: 1133: 1129: 1124: 1121: 1117: 1112: 1109: 1106:, p. 157 1105: 1100: 1097: 1093: 1088: 1085: 1081: 1076: 1073: 1069: 1064: 1061: 1058:, p. 144 1057: 1052: 1049: 1046:, p. 152 1045: 1040: 1037: 1033: 1028: 1025: 1022:, p. 151 1021: 1016: 1013: 1010:, p. 148 1009: 1004: 1001: 997: 992: 989: 985: 980: 977: 973: 968: 965: 961: 956: 953: 949: 944: 941: 938:, p. 136 937: 932: 929: 926:, p. 135 925: 920: 917: 913: 908: 905: 901: 896: 893: 889: 884: 881: 877: 872: 869: 865: 860: 857: 854:, p. 246 853: 848: 845: 842:, p. 132 841: 836: 833: 829: 824: 821: 817: 812: 809: 805: 800: 797: 793: 788: 785: 782:, p. 132 781: 776: 773: 769: 764: 761: 754: 752: 750: 749: 744: 738: 736: 735: 730: 726: 722: 718: 710: 705: 698: 696: 693: 689: 684: 682: 678: 674: 668: 666: 662: 657: 649: 641: 634: 632: 630: 625: 620: 617: 613: 607: 604: 600: 599:Supreme Court 594: 592: 591:direct action 587: 583: 578: 576: 572: 568: 559: 558: 557:La Mano Negra 553: 549: 544: 540: 538: 534: 530: 526: 518: 516: 513: 509: 505: 500: 499: 494: 489: 487: 483: 479: 475: 471: 465: 463: 459: 455: 451: 447: 443: 442:Ricardo Mella 439: 435: 431: 427: 423: 415: 413: 411: 407: 403: 398: 396: 392: 388: 384: 378: 376: 372: 368: 358: 354: 351:Vineyards in 349: 345: 343: 339: 335: 330: 325: 321: 319: 315: 311: 307: 303: 299: 295: 291: 287: 282: 280: 279:direct action 276: 272: 268: 264: 260: 256: 253:group led by 252: 249: 245: 237: 233: 226: 221: 219: 217: 214:dominated by 213: 209: 208:La Mano Negra 205: 201: 197: 193: 189: 185: 181: 178: 174: 170: 166: 165: 161: 156: 146: 137: 130: 118: 117: 115: 111: 108: 105: 101: 87: 83: 80: 77: 73: 59: 55: 52: 49: 45: 42: 39: 35: 31: 27: 20: 1453: 1427: 1401: 1375: 1349: 1326: 1316:Bibliography 1302: 1291: 1286:, p. 58 1279: 1267: 1255: 1243: 1231: 1219: 1214:, p. 88 1207: 1202:, p. 58 1195: 1183: 1171: 1159: 1147: 1135: 1123: 1111: 1099: 1087: 1075: 1063: 1051: 1039: 1027: 1015: 1003: 998:, p. 92 991: 979: 967: 955: 943: 931: 919: 914:, p. 80 907: 895: 883: 878:, p. 79 871: 859: 847: 835: 830:, p. 78 823: 811: 799: 787: 775: 770:, p. 74 763: 746: 739: 732: 714: 685: 669: 658: 654: 621: 616:Josep Termes 608: 595: 581: 579: 563: 555: 551: 536: 522: 507: 503: 496: 490: 477: 466: 438:Josep Llunas 424:was held in 419: 399: 380: 367:collectivist 363: 326: 322: 283: 241: 168: 158: 154: 152: 29:Abbreviation 1408:: CrĂ­tica. 1260:Termes 2011 1248:Termes 2011 1212:Termes 2011 1188:Termes 2011 1152:Termes 2011 1092:Termes 2011 996:Termes 2011 912:Termes 2011 876:Termes 2011 828:Termes 2011 816:Termes 1977 792:Termes 2011 768:Termes 2011 721:spontaneism 681:societarism 629:proletariat 525:Civil Guard 512:Civil Guard 470:illegalists 140:Membership 37:Predecessor 1496:Categories 1307:DardĂ© 1996 1296:DardĂ© 1996 755:References 734:Black Hand 699:Evaluation 663:group of " 586:illegalism 582:El Liberal 529:Black Hand 444:, and the 410:Andalusian 402:Clara Lida 375:autonomist 75:Founded at 67:1881-09-25 1458:Barcelona 1452:(1977) . 1432:Barcelona 1406:Barcelona 1380:Barcelona 1331:Barcelona 1284:Lida 2010 1200:Lida 2010 1080:Lida 2010 984:Lida 2010 888:Lida 2010 743:terrorist 717:anarchist 677:anarchism 567:Trebujena 434:legalists 432:and the " 371:anarchist 316:approved 85:Dissolved 79:Barcelona 57:Formation 47:Successor 1460:: Laia. 1426:(2011). 1400:(1977). 1325:(2013). 624:Valencia 575:Benaocaz 306:Alliance 113:Location 1486:Catalan 1434:: RBA. 603:garrote 569:, near 426:Seville 393:- with 357:FRE-AIT 334:FRE-AIT 248:Catalan 222:History 198:of the 182:headed 177:Catalan 160:Spanish 103:Purpose 95:1888-10 93: ( 65: ( 1464:  1438:  1412:  1386:  1360:  1354:Madrid 1337:  286:GrĂ cia 147:60,000 142:(1882) 126:  508:order 129:Spain 1484:(In 1462:ISBN 1436:ISBN 1410:ISBN 1384:ISBN 1358:ISBN 1335:ISBN 679:and 484:on " 448:and 389:and 340:and 265:and 190:and 169:FTRE 153:The 32:FTRE 593:". 488:". 373:or 281:." 1498:: 397:. 385:, 344:: 320:. 292:, 261:, 257:, 218:. 186:, 167:, 162:: 1488:) 1470:. 1444:. 1418:. 1392:. 1366:. 1343:. 560:. 157:( 97:) 69:)

Index

Spanish Regional Federation of the IWA
Union and Solidarity Pact
Barcelona
Anarcho-syndicalism
Spain
Spanish
Barcelona Workers' Congress of 1881
Catalan
anarcho-syndicalists
Josep Llunas i Pujals
Rafael Farga Pellicer
Antoni Pellicer
Spanish Regional Federation
International Workingmen's Association
Barcelona Workers' Congress of 1870
La Mano Negra
anarchism in Spain
propaganda of the deed

Rafael Farga Pellicer
Spanish Regional Federation
Catalan
anarcho-syndicalist
Josep Llunas i Pujals
Rafael Farga Pellicer
Antoni Pellicer i Paraire
Eudald Canivell i Masbernat
Práxedes Mateo Sagasta
freedom of association
direct action

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