1192:, even amongst non-communist Chinese, and would thus propel the development and spread of the goals of socialism. To this end, in an attempt to reduce hesitancy, intellectuals were invited to forums in which they were allowed to ask exploratory questions, slowly discovering what was deemed acceptable speech. During this time, criticisms were often indirect and lauded the Hundred Flowers campaign itself. In Leknor's research, it is stated that the conventional understanding of communication and power is inverted during the campaign since the right to speak up and be heard was not the right resevered for those in powers, but the right to keep one's voice out of the unfolding campaign. In other words, students were pressured by teachers to speak out; inferiors were asked to speak by superiors.
1325:"rightists" based on anonymous denunciations. Local officials across the country were even assigned quotas for the number of "rightists" they needed to identify and denounce within their units. In the summer and early fall of 1957, roughly four hundred thousand urban residents, including many intellectuals, were branded as rightists and either sent to penal camps or forced into labor in the countryside. While the party attempted to improve relations with intellectuals at the end of the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution obliterated any semblance of intellectual influence and prestige, "very few, if any, intellectuals survived the Cultural Revolution without having suffered physical and psychological abuse".
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and offer suggestions to the Party. This was a normal step in promoting socialist democracy. During the
Rectification process, a very small number of bourgeois rightists took the opportunity to advocate for so-called "big revelations and big debates", launching a brazen attack on the Party and the new socialist system, attempting to replace the leadership of the Communist Party. It was entirely correct and necessary to firmly counteract this attack. However, the Anti-Rightist Campaign was seriously expanded, misclassifying a group of intellectuals, patriots, and Party cadres as "rightists", resulting in unfortunate consequences.
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1031:, proposed to "let one hundred flowers bloom in social science and arts and let one hundred points of view be expressed in the field of science." It was a campaign that allowed citizens to offer criticism and advice to the government and the party; hence it was intended to serve an antibureaucratic purpose, at least on the Maoists' part. The campaign resulted in a groundswell of criticism aimed at the Party and its policies by those outside its rank and represented a brief period of relaxation in ideological and cultural control.
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be promoted. In late March, Mao inscribed a dedication for the establishment of the
Chinese Opera Research Institute: "Let a hundred flowers bloom; weed through the old to bring forth the new." In 1953, Boda Chen, who was in charge of the Committee for the Study of Chinese Historical Issues, sought Mao's guidance on the work principles, to which Chairman Mao responded with four characters: "Let a hundred schools of thought contend." Until April 28, 1956, in his concluding speech at an expanded meeting of the
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1253:, published an editorial that signaled the conclusion of the Hundred Flowers Campaign. The editorial asserted that "rightists" had exploited the new found freedom to attack the party and undermine the revolution. This, the editorial claimed, amounted to a hostile struggle "between the enemy and the people", indicating the beginning of a crackdown that later became the Anti-Rightist Campaign led by then party General Secretary
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1320:, employed more violent means. Another consequence of the Hundred Flowers Campaign was that it discouraged dissent and made intellectuals reluctant to criticize Mao and his party in the future. The Anti-Rightist Movement that shortly followed, and was caused by the Hundred Flowers Campaign, resulted in the
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The prominent party figures' attitudes toward the campaign is also a prime example of divided opinion on leadership level within the party on the issue of corruption among the party officials. As
Lieberthal puts it, "The Chairman…in the Hundred Flowers campaign and in the Cultural Revolution, proved
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Others spoke out by putting up posters around campuses, rallying in the streets, holding meetings for CPC members, and publishing magazine articles. A journalist wrote that the party became alienated from the masses and that its members had become "flatterers, sycophants, and yes-men." One professor
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In March 1951, the Peking Opera
Research Institute was considered to be expanded and established as the Chinese Opera Research Institute. Mao was invited to inscribe a dedication for the institute. Meanwhile, half of the people argued that Peking Opera is outdated and that revolutionary opera should
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in that the government opened up to ideological criticisms from the general public. Although its true nature has always been questioned by historians, it can be generally concluded that the events that took place alarmed the central communist leadership. The movement also represented a pattern that
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of intellectuals, officials, students, artists, and dissidents labeled "rightists". The campaign led to a loss of individual rights, especially for any
Chinese intellectuals educated in Western centers of learning. The campaign was conducted indiscriminately, as numerous individuals were labeled as
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They protested CPC control over intellectuals, the harshness of previous mass campaigns such as that against counter-revolutionaries, the slavish following of Soviet models, the low standards of living in China, the proscription of foreign literature, economic corruption among party cadres, and the
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received some of these letters, and once again realized that, although the campaign had gained notable publicity, it was not progressing as had been hoped. Zhou approached Mao about the situation, stating that more encouragement was needed from the central bureaucracy to lead the intellectuals into
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The movement was in part a response to tensions between the CCP and
Chinese intellectuals. Mao had realized that the CCP's control over intellectual life was stifling potentially useful new ideas. He was also worried about the emergence of new party elites who could threaten his position. He sought
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The economic task in 1957, due to the serious implementation of the correct policies of the Party's "Eighth
National Congress", was one of the most effective years since the founding of the country. This year, the entire Party launched the Rectification Campaign, mobilizing the masses to criticize
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Some say this is a conspiracy. We say this is an open strategy. Because we informed the enemy in advance: only by allowing the monsters and demons to come out of their lairs can we exterminate them; only by letting the poisonous weeds emerge from the ground can we easily uproot them. Don't farmers
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Whether they would strengthen our "international socialist solidarity". Later in this version of the speech, "international socialist solidarity" was defined as "To strengthen our solidarity with the Soviet Union, to strengthen our solidarity with all socialist countries - this is our fundamental
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In the opening stage of the movement, during March and April, issues discussed were relatively minor and unimportant in the grand scheme. Emphasis was placed on a distinction being drawn between "friend and foe". Intellectuals approached the campaign with suspicion, due to a lack of guidelines on
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posit that the campaign was, from the start, a ruse intended to expose rightists and counter-revolutionaries, and that Mao Zedong persecuted those whose views were different from those of the Party. The first part of the phrase from which the campaign takes its name is often remembered as "let a
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Criticism increasingly arose from
Chinese citizens of varying backgrounds. Peasants criticized the effectiveness of cooperatives and demanded the repossession of their land. Workers argued that the wage system was irrational and complained about the requirement to work overtime without pay. Some
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From May to June 1957, newspapers published a huge range of critical articles. The majority of these critiques argued that the Party had become less revolutionary and more bureaucratic. Nonetheless, most of the commentary was premised on complete acceptance of socialism and the legitimacy of the
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Professor Lin Chun characterizes as a "conspiracy theory" the depiction of the
Hundred Flowers campaign as a calculated trap. In her analysis, this depiction is disputed by empirical research from archival sources and oral histories. She writes that many interpretations of the Hundred Flowers
1152:, he mentioned, "Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend" in first time. It is suggested that the launching of the campaign was delayed by the shocking impact of the speech denouncing Stalin at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress in February 1956 delivered by
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against those who were critical of the regime and its ideology. Citizens were rounded up in waves by the hundreds of thousands, publicly criticized during struggle sessions, and condemned to prison camps for re-education through labor or execution. The ideological crackdown re-imposed
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By the spring of 1957, Mao had announced that criticism was "preferred" and had begun to mount pressure on those who did not turn in healthy criticism on policy to the
Central Government. The reception was immediate with intellectuals, who began voicing concerns without any
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Criticisms became more specific in May, citing the regimentation of education, thought reforms in previous years that were described as "painful", and the lack of employment prospects for those who went to American and British scholars. Additionally, some recanted their
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to use the movement to restrain the new forces within the party. However, criticism quickly grew out of hand and posed a threat to the communist regime. The liberation was short-lived. Afterwards, a crackdown continued through 1957 and 1959, developing into an
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weed several times a year? Weeds, once removed, can still be used as fertilizer. Class enemies will inevitably seek opportunities to express themselves. They are unwilling to accept the downfall of the nation and the rise of communism.
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Author Christine Vidal similarly rejects the idea of the campaign as being initially calculated to lure dissidents for later repression, stating that "the repression was not the initial aim of Mao and of his Hundred Flowers policy."
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Historians debate whether Mao's motivations for launching the campaign were genuine. Some find it possible that Mao originally had pure intentions, but later decided to utilize the opportunity to destroy criticism. Historian
182:, is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Knowledge.
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Another important issue of the campaign was the tension that surfaced between the political center and national minorities. With criticism allowed, some of the minorities' activists made public their protest against
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has emerged from Chinese history wherein free thought is promoted by the government, and then suppressed by it. A similar surge in ideological thought would not occur again until the late 1980s, leading up to the
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mentioned that Marx and Lenin had repeatedly revised their theories and suggested that the two would be displeased if they had seen how strictly the CCP leaders were applying doctrine. Notably, students at
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had gained prominence, and socialism would now face its test. At the time, the movement was opposed by even some of Mao's most devout followers, as well as some within the academic circle, most notably,
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The campaign made a lasting impact on Mao's ideological perception. Mao, who is known historically to be more ideological and theoretical, less pragmatic and practical, continued to attempt to solidify
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campaign "underestimate the fear on the part of Mao and party leadership over an escalating atmosphere of anticommunism within the communist world in the aftermath of the East European uprisings."
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had been permanently intimidated into silence, and that other intellectuals would follow Mao's lead, speaking out only against the people and practices Mao himself most wanted to subject to reform.
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which he felt were threatening. In essence, Mao was threatened by the intellectuals efforts to reclaim the position as loyal guardians of the proper moral framework for the political system.
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One supposedly authentic letter written by Mao indicates that the campaign was a ploy for entrapment from the beginning. Circulated to higher party cadres in mid-May 1957, the letter stated:
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willing to bring in non-party people as part of his effort to curb officiousness by cadres. Other leaders, such as Liu Shaoqi, opposed "rectifying" the party by going outside of its ranks."
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Things are just beginning to change. The rightist offensive has not yet reached its peak. are still very enthusiastic. We want to let them rage for a while and climb to the very summit.
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Roderick MacFarguahar, The Origins of the Cultural Revolution, vol. 1, Contradictions Among the People, 1956-57 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), pp.261-269
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The slogan was first used by Mao Zedong on May 2, 1956, during a public speech. The name was used to arouse the interest of China's intellectuals, referring to the
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what speech was acceptable; few also had suspicions about whether the campaign was bait, and whether disallowed speech would get them in trouble. Resultantly, the
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1714:"Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform. By Kenneth Lieberthal [New York: W.W. Norton, 1995. xxvi + 498 pp. $ 30.00. ISBN 0–393–96714–X.]"
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In July 1957, Mao ordered a halt to the campaign. Unexpected demands for power sharing led to the abrupt change of policy. By that time, Mao had witnessed
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Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article.
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Hsi-en Chen, Theodore. Chinese Education Since 1949: Academic and Revolutionary Models. Pergamon Policy Studies. Pergamon Press Inc. 1981. Print.
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suggests that the campaign was the culmination of a muddled and convoluted dispute within the Party regarding how to address dissent.
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by encouraging them to show themselves as critical of the regime, and then subsequently imprison them, according to Chang and James.
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The name of the movement consists two parts. The first part "Let a hundred flowers bloom" （百花齊放） is originated from a novel named "
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Priestley, K. E., and Shou-jung Chʻên. China's Men of Letters, Yesterday and Today. Hong Kong: Dragonfly Books, 1962. Print.
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1901:"Echolocating the Social: Silence, Voice, and Affect in China's Hundred Flowers and Anti-Rightist Campaigns, 1956–58"
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declared that the contending of diverse schools should be guided by the central aim of building a socialist society.
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Content in this edit is translated from the existing Chinese Knowledge article at ]; see its history for attribution.
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did not receive much criticism, although there was a significant rise in letters of conservative advice. Premier
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Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China
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that states a Knowledge editor's personal feelings or presents an original argument about a topic.
1856:"The Profound Implications and Contemporary Significance of Mao Zedong's "Double Hundred" Policy"
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The idea was to have intellectuals discuss the country's problems to promote new forms of
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individuals even argued that the people were better off under the administration of the
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hundred flowers bloom." This is used to refer to an orchestrated campaign to flush out
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Whether they would strengthen or weaken the leadership of the Communist Party of China.
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created a "Democratic Wall" on which they criticized the CCP with posters and letters.
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Indeed, Mao responded to the accusation in July 1, 1956 editorial of People's Press:
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The Origins of the Cultural Revolution: Contradictions Among the People, 1956-1957
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Communist Party and focused on making the existing socialist system work better.
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1019:) and the Double Hundred Movement (双百方针), was a period from 1956 to 1957 in the
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2350:"The 1957-1958 Anti-Rightist Campaign in China: History and Memory (1978-2014)"
1983:(10th ed.). New York: Routledge (published 30 July 2018). pp. 86–88.
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ideals in future movements in a more pragmatic manner, and in the case of the
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Whether they would consolidate or weaken the people's democratic dictatorship.
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Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world : a concise history
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and new cultural institutions. Mao also saw this as the chance to promote
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orthodoxy in public expression, and catalyzed the Anti-Rightist Movement.
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fact that 'Party members many privileges which make them a race apart'.
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Let a hundred flowers bloom; let a hundred schools of thought contend.
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to the source of your translation. A model attribution edit summary is
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Whether they would help to unite the people of various nationalities.
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2331:"The Bourgeois Orientation of the WenHui Daily should be criticized"
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The party's internal attitude towards the campaign can be found in
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found the concept interesting and superseded Zhou to take control.
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1957 nian de xiaji: Cong bai jia zhengming dao liang jia zhengming
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2067:"Mao's China and after : a history of the People's Republic"
1882:"Mao's China and after : a history of the People's Republic"
1677:"Mao's China and after : a history of the People's Republic"
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competed for ideological, not military, supremacy. Historically,
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Chinese Education Since 1949: Academic and Revolutionary Models
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The Hundred Flowers Movement was the first of its kind in the
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Mao Cult: Rhetoric and Ritual in China's Cultural Revolution
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Mao Cult: Rhetoric and Ritual in China's Cultural Revolution
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personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay
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On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People
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Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic
2398:. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2011. p. 55.
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Troublemaker: One Man's Crusade Against China's Cruelty
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China's Political System: Modernization and Tradition
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Whether they would consolidate democratic centralism.
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Whether they were beneficial or harmful to socialism.
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2249:Harry Wu; Hongda Harry Wu; George Vecsey (2002).
2183:"Governing China: from revolution through reform"
2161:"Governing China: from revolution through reform"
1655:China a century of revolution, part 2 (1949-1976)
1818:. New York: Pergamon Press Inc. pp. 44–62.
1558:List of campaigns of the Chinese Communist Party
2042:Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform
1843:. Hong Kong: Dragonfly Books. pp. 73–100.
1515:CCP's internal perception towards the campaign
1414:a gamble, based on a calculation that genuine
352:History of the People's Republic of China
200:accompanying your translation by providing an
166:Click for important translation instructions.
153:expand this article with text translated from
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2008:
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8:
1247:On June 8, 1957, the major party newspaper,
2044:(2nd ed.). W. W. Norton. p. 102.
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605:1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre
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27:1956–1957 Chinese liberalization campaign
2479:Campaigns of the Chinese Communist Party
1286:policy, herein lies our basic interest."
1150:Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party
2435:. New York: Macmillan. pp. 177–80.
2099:The transformation of Chinese socialism
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413:Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence
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2509:Persecution of intellectuals in China
2297:. Chatto & Windus, Ltd. pp.
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1480:adding citations to reliable sources
880:2020 Hong Kong national security law
573:Campaign against spiritual pollution
595:1986 Chinese student demonstrations
2255:. NewsMax Media, Inc. p. 49.
2199:Teiwes, cited in MacFarquhar, ed.
1069:authored by the Chinese historian
740:South–North Water Transfer Project
667:US bombing of the Belgrade embassy
563:Strike Hard Against Crime Campaign
403:Three-anti and Five-anti Campaigns
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2416:The Congress for Cultural Freedom
1782:"双百方针的历史回顾 - 长城战略咨询 北京市长城企业战略研究所"
1353:Debated intention of the campaign
705:Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
700:Forum on China–Africa Cooperation
600:Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration
52:This article has multiple issues.
2294:The Private Life of Chairman Mao
2201:The Politics of China, 1949-1989
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516:1978 Truth Criterion Controversy
461:Seven Thousand Cadres Conference
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2348:Vidal, Christine (2016-04-25).
2269:from the original on 2014-07-22
1760:. Macmillan. pp. 457–471.
1090:Bǎihuā qífàng, bǎijiā zhēngmíng
865:China International Import Expo
60:or discuss these issues on the
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568:Sino-British Joint Declaration
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210:You may also add the template
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2329:People's Press (April 1977).
2238:. Jonathan Cape. p. 435.
1839:Priestley, K.E. (July 1962).
1712:Burns, John P. (March 1996).
1143:Launch (late 1956–early 1957)
860:China–United States trade war
533:China–United States relations
2425:. Columbia University Press.
2181:Lieberthal, Kenneth (1995).
2159:Lieberthal, Kenneth (1995).
2136:Legacy of a Maoist Injustice
2134:Link, Perry. 23 July 2007. "
2065:Maurice J., Meisner (1986).
2040:Lieberthal, Kenneth (2004).
1977:Dreyer, June Teufel (2018).
1905:The Journal Of Asian Studies
1880:Maurice J., Meisner (1986).
1675:Maurice J., Meisner (1986).
1302:Hungarian Revolution of 1956
875:2019–2020 Hong Kong protests
466:Socialist Education Movement
32:100 Flowers (disambiguation)
2443:The Search for Modern China
2368:"Resolution on CPC History"
2214:The Search for Modern China
2020:The Search For Modern China
1814:Hsi-chen, Theodore (1981).
1418:were few, that rebels like
1114:numerous schools of thought
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212:{{Translated|zh|百花齐放、百家争鸣}}
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2441:Spence, Jonathan D. 2013.
2234:Jung Chang; Jon Halliday.
2212:Spence, Jonathan D. 2013.
1406:Mao's personal physician,
1021:People's Republic of China
174:Machine translation, like
29:
2335:Marxists Internet Archive
1925:Karl, Rebecca E. (2010).
1730:10.1017/s0305741000044192
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855:Xinjiang internment camps
830:Meeting with Ma Ying-Jeou
680:China Western Development
672:Persecution of Falun Gong
341:
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155:the corresponding article
1626:"新中国档案："百花齐放、百家争鸣"方针的提出"
1260:In a revised version of
1009:Hundred Flowers Movement
1005:Hundred Flowers Campaign
835:2016 G20 Hangzhou summit
810:Belt and Road Initiative
805:Anti-corruption campaign
645:One country, two systems
578:Bourgeois liberalization
456:Two Bombs, One Satellite
428:Hundred Flowers Campaign
281:Traditional Chinese
257:Hundred Flowers Campaign
18:Hundred Flowers Movement
1899:Lekner, Dayton (2021).
1416:counter-revolutionaries
1243:Effects of the campaign
1025:Chinese Communist Party
755:Three Links with Taiwan
750:2008 Sichuan earthquake
725:2002–2004 SARS outbreak
625:Shanghai Stock Exchange
267:Simplified Chinese
221:For more guidance, see
2484:Anti-Rightist Campaign
2236:Mao: The Unknown Story
1841:China's Men of Letters
1694:Daniel, Leese (2011).
1532:
1433:
1424:
1404:
1384:Mao: The Unknown Story
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1037:Anti-Rightist Campaign
892:2020–2021 reform spree
850:Persecution of Uyghurs
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685:Hainan Island incident
526:Special economic zones
521:Reforms and Opening Up
433:Anti-Rightist Campaign
104:by rewriting it in an
2408:MacFarquhar, Roderick
2354:CCJ-Occasional-Papers
2104:Duke University Press
1989:10.4324/9781315144399
1933:Duke University Press
1860:People’s Daily Online
1609:MacFarquhar, Roderick
1527:
1428:
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1400:
1235:
1110:Warring States period
1059:Flowers in the Mirror
745:Qinghai–Tibet railway
650:Handover of Hong Kong
331:Pai3-hua1 Ch'i2-fang4
223:Knowledge:Translation
194:copyright attribution
2445:. New York: Norton.
2216:. New York: Norton.
2023:(2nd ed.) New York:
1664:– via YouTube.
1476:improve this section
1169:further discussion.
897:2022 Winter Olympics
798:2012–present: Xi era
760:2008 Summer Olympics
695:Accession to the WTO
635:Deng's southern tour
618:1989–2002: Jiang era
451:Great Chinese Famine
408:First five-year plan
383:Land Reform Movement
30:For other uses, see
2412:The Hundred Flowers
2147:The Washington Post
2025:W.W. Norton Company
2015:Spence, Jonathan D.
1907:. pp. 933–953.
1718:The China Quarterly
1652:Fofa (2023-03-02).
1613:The Hundred Flowers
1563:Cultural Revolution
1318:Cultural Revolution
630:Pudong New District
550:Sino-Vietnamese War
545:Four Modernizations
499:1976–1989: Deng era
486:Richard Nixon visit
476:Cultural Revolution
2499:Maoist terminology
2456:Zheng, Zhu. 1998.
2287:Zhisui Li (1996).
2141:2021-11-09 at the
2096:Lin, Chun (2006).
1568:Great Leap Forward
1387:by Jung Chang and
1162:Central Government
1007:, also termed the
735:Visit of Lien Chan
446:Great Leap Forward
418:Bandung Conference
371:1949–1976: Mao era
202:interlanguage link
106:encyclopedic style
93:is written like a
2262:978-0-9704029-9-8
2113:978-0-8223-3785-0
1998:978-1-315-14439-9
1942:978-0-8223-4780-4
1767:978-0-8050-6638-8
1512:
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1231:Peking University
1154:Nikita Khrushchev
1106:
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1061:" by Qing Author
1023:during which the
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910:Constitution
506:Gang of Four
427:
388:Proclamation
311:Hanyu Pinyin
238:
198:edit summary
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114:January 2024
111:
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54:Please help
51:
2389:Works cited
2289:"1957-1965"
2102:. Durham :
1931:. Durham :
1757:Mao: A Life
1724:: 189–190.
1367:Clive James
1322:persecution
1067:Book of Han
662:1998 floods
590:863 Program
471:Third Front
438:Canton Fair
2473:Categories
2377:2024-06-03
2273:2016-09-20
1791:2024-06-02
1661:2024-06-02
1635:2024-06-02
1630:www.gov.cn
1596:References
1376:dissidents
1371:Jung Chang
1295:denouncing
1190:capitalism
1171:Mao Zedong
1166:Zhou Enlai
1029:Mao Zedong
730:Shenzhou 5
583:Opposition
393:Korean War
378:Revolution
325:Wade–Giles
157:in Chinese
57:improve it
2414:, Paris:
2149:. p. A19.
1951:503828045
1738:0305-7410
1492:June 2024
1463:does not
1444:Aftermath
1408:Li Zhisui
1314:socialist
1186:socialism
1175:Guo Moruo
1137:Guo Moruo
1083:百花齊放，百家爭鳴
1063:Li Ruzhen
946:Geography
941:Education
815:Chang'e 3
765:Expo 2010
216:talk page
63:talk page
2431:. 1986.
2410:. 1960.
2267:Archived
2203:, p. 53.
2139:Archived
2122:63178961
1754:(2000).
1611:. 1960.
1535:See also
1393:Harry Wu
1365:Authors
1300:and the
1128:Buddhism
1125:Mahayana
951:Politics
920:Shanghai
840:Xiong'an
192:provide
2299:198–199
1615:. pp. 3
1484:removed
1469:sources
1420:Hu Feng
1122:Chinese
1013:Chinese
936:Economy
931:Culture
915:Beijing
214:to the
196:in the
159:.
100:Please
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2421:1973.
2314:4 June
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2017:1990.
1995:
1949:
1939:
1865:2 June
1822:
1764:
1736:
1306:events
1132:Taoism
1071:Ban Gu
1053:Naming
1042:Maoist
1015::
1211:taboo
1112:when
770:BRICS
176:DeepL
2447:ISBN
2356:: 6.
2316:2012
2303:ISBN
2257:ISBN
2218:ISBN
2118:OCLC
2108:ISBN
2046:ISBN
1993:ISBN
1947:OCLC
1937:ISBN
1867:2024
1820:ISBN
1762:ISBN
1734:ISSN
1467:any
1465:cite
1369:and
1182:arts
1130:and
1017:百花齐放
1003:The
287:百花齊放
273:百花齐放
190:must
188:You
2145:."
1985:doi
1726:doi
1722:145
1478:by
1381:In
1223:KMT
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