995:(MCP) and that the workers were so passionate about their fight against colonial oppression and exploitation that even the MCP were not able to effectively restraint the workers. Therefore, the Hock Lee Bus Incident was not a moment of spontaneous communist action but was the effect of the intersections between opposing workers' and employers' sentiments towards the progressive establishment of trade unions which was one of the positive aspects of the Rendel Constitution. These activisms also arose as Singapore was going through a tough economic climate with goods prices increasing by almost 19 per cent; but wages only increased by 0.8 per cent between the period of 1950 and 1955. Workers like Lee Tee Tong, who were subject to poor working conditions and the harsh realities of the colonial political economy led them to be increasingly unhappy with the government. This led to unrest among the workers as many were struggling to make ends meet. These strikes proved to be effective as the wages of workers increased by about 10 per cent on an hourly basis over the course of 1955-1956.
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gas. Four people died as a result, including Andrew Teo, a
Constable with the Volunteer Special Constabulary, who was severely beaten by a mob, Yuen Yau Phang, another Chinese police officer who was allegedly burned to death in his car, Gene D. Symonds, an American press correspondent also beaten by the mob and Chong Lon Chong, a sixteen-year-old student of Chin Kang School whose death caught the most attention. In an initial Straits Times report, the student was shot one mile away from a hospital, but was paraded around for two and half-hours by the students to further arouse the crowd's emotion without sending him for medical treatment. The press, including the vernacular press and the English medium Straits Times, however later reported that it was revealed that the coroner stated in the lawyer's brief to Chong's mother that it was inconclusive as to whether the boy was dead or still alive after he was shot. Furthermore, it was also established after the trial that the four men who were arrested were not students.
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relationship between the workers and the students is one that is often overlooked in many accounts of history and thus leading to the common conclusion that students' involvement was part of a violent extremist movement. The
British adopted a substitution strategy to replace Chinese schools with English institution. A ten-year education plan unveiled by the colonial administration in 1949 sought to significantly decrease student enrolment in Chinese vernacular schools. Chinese students were faced with the implementation of high school exams that served little purpose in ensuring the students' path into university. The National Service Ordinance act also disrupted the education of Chinese students as the colonial government was unwilling to allow them to defer if they had to sit for examinations. This eventually led to the
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926:'s inability to control labour radicalism. It was estimated that 31,000 workers were involved in 129 official and sympathy strikes between March and June 1955. Some work has been done to study the significance of certain figures that arose from United States government sources. The seeds of a communist discourse was being sown by American diplomats, pressuring the British government to take subversive actions against student and labour movements in post 1954 Singapore. Thus leading to the construction of events like the Hock Lee incident as a violent event instigated by communists.
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attempt to dissolve the union. On
February 24, the company went a step further to set up a rival yellow union and hired 200 new workers in the process. Feeling threatened, on 22 April 1955, the bus workers' union put up a notice to strike. The company proceeded to fire 229 workers who were related to the SBWU on 24 April 1955. This angered the workers further which prompted them to set up human blockades at the bus depot, stopping the buses from leaving. Chief Minister David Marshall tried to plead their case with the company's management, but his efforts were futile.
930:'s latest work on the communist threat in Singapore necessitates the polarisation of the scholarship on Singapore history and suggests that historians should take sides. Conventional historical narratives have represented the workers and students actions as violent and conceived out of communism. The emerging work on the Hock Lee incident have foregrounded the experiences of the people through the provision of accounts that focus on the social and economic anxieties that were felt by both the students and the workers due to life in colonial society.
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which would have alarmed many employers that were worried about their business interests. Oppressive colonial educational and labour policies discriminated against
Chinese students and workers. Perceived unjust colonial policies led to various episodes of labour unrests in 1954 and 1955. In 1954 there was The May 13 National Service Ordinance. And in 1955, there were three notable strikes namely the Hock Lee Bus workers' strike, the
959:
serving as a political force that could influence the decisions of the ruling elite. Loh et al. highlighted that many of the workers were ex-students and that the
Chinese school students knew that the workers who were intertwined in labour negotiations was a reflection of their future. The anxieties of the students coupled with the students' sympathy to the workers resulted in their support for the Hock Lee bus workers.
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68:
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bus workers' strikes can also be seen as one of the catalysts for the modernisation of the bus transportation industry in
Singapore. The Hock Lee workers' strikes as well as other similar transportation workers' strikes resulted in the nationalisation of the Singapore transportation industry, specifically the Chinese owned bus companies.
987:
blamed for the poor working and economic conditions that the workers were subjected to. Strikes became more frequent as progression in the trade union movement was being challenged by the employers' refusal to recognise the unions and in its turn form splinter unions that would threaten the existing unionised workers.
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party into power. This new constitution led to the provisional easing of restrictions under
Emergency regulations, which in its turn sparked off much interest in politics among the people living in Singapore. This renewed liberalisation led to the establishment of many trade unions during this period
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While the Hock Lee incident has conventionally been portrayed be one of communist subversion, other sources suggest that the students and workers' involvements in the Hock Lee incident were also due to anxieties felt by these two groups as a result of the conditions of colonial society. The Hock Lee
1405:
E. Kay Gillis, "Civil
Society and the Malay Education Council," in Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-War Singapore, eds. Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki (Singapore: NUS Press, 2008), 156; Loh et al., The University, 30. Gillis and Loh et al., both believe that the Rendel Constitution
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Shortly after the Hock Lee workers' strikes, the
Singapore Traction Company strikes occurred which motivated the Hawkins Report of 1956. The Hawkins Report called for the reformation of the transportation industry in Singapore through a consolidation of the Chinese bus companies. The Hawkins report
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stated that the Hock Lee riots revealed "the ability of the communists to mobilise other elements of the , such as the students". Singh's reconstruction of the Hock Lee riots rely on the works of
Bloodworth, Drysdale, and Lee. His analysis agrees with the colonial perspective and concludes that the
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The global trend of decolonisation, led the way for the liberalisation of Singaporean politics. The 1948 constitution that reformed the political and judicial systems in Singapore paved the way for Singapore's first elections in 1948. This partial liberalisation was impeded as the British saw their
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Newspaper reports of the government not providing help or compensation to victims of World War Two in Singapore also served as a reminder to students that they were being asked to fight for a government that does not have their interests at heart. Students were seen to be the allies of the workers
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students' involvement in the Hock Lee incident was part of a larger plan of communist subversion. Bloodworth starts his narrative by accusing the 'communist' students of being at the centre of the violence that occurred in the Hock Lee event. He attributes the cause of the unrest to union leader,
873:
In February of that year, the Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company fired 229 bus workers due to their association with the Singapore Bus Workers' Union. As a result, the bus workers went on a strike. Despite mediation efforts, the strikes escalated into riots on 12 May, resulting in the deaths of four
1144:
Robert Black to Alan Lennox-Boyd, 20 June 1955, CO 1030/366, The National Archives, London, UK in Mixed up in Power Politics and the Cold War: The Americans, the ICFTU and Singapore'sLabour Movement, 1955-1960 Author(s): S. R. Joey Long Source: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 40, No. 2
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On 12 May 1955, multilateral talks to mediate the workers' disputes were hampered as police clashed with strikers. The clash involved an estimated 2,000 people which broke out in the streets of Alexandra Road and Tiong Bahru. The police tried to break up the 2,000 students and strikers using tear
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The above conventional accounts commonly attribute the student involvement to be one of communist action and again do not give the students any form of political consciousness. The students who were involved in the riots were part of the Singapore Chinese Middle School Student Union (SCMSSU). The
1027:
In 1970, RP Wilson was appointed to look into the reorganisation of public transportation in Singapore which resulted in the establishment of the government-led Singapore Transport Advisory Board in 1970, which sought to not only nationalise the bus companies but also to create a more efficient
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The Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company was one of the eleven Chinese bus companies in Singapore that was in operation. In February 1955, the workers started their own union and joined with the Singapore Bus Workers' Union (SBWU), hence the company instantly fired the organisers of the union in an
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paved the way for the liberalisation of Singapore politics coupled with the workers increasing anxiety about wages and working conditions as seen from an increase from 11 trade unions in 1946, to 236 unions in 1955. The post-war colonial administration was seen to be corrupt and inefficient and
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To maintain their control, the British tried to construct a narrative of communist insurgencies and militarism which could be potentially threatening to the security of the region. On the premise of containing communist activities, emergency regulations were implemented in 1948. These emergency
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also frames the Hock Lee event as a "demonstration of the ruthlessness of the communists and their capacity to unleash violence in Singapore." In both these accounts, the bus workers were not given any political consciousness as the event is seen as a spontaneous one that was initiated by the
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Part of Singapore's modernisation project was to expand its tourism sector and an efficient transportation system was important for this growth. This did not leave room for any form of activism that would disrupt Singapore's necessary path towards modernity and economic development.
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The Paya Lebar Bus Company labour protest was one of 275 strikes that took place in 1955. These activisms set the backdrop for the Hock Lee Bus workers' strike. There is evidence that the Hock Lee Bus workers' strike was not fully under the direction of the
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in 1954. In January 1955, the students' application to register the SCMSSU was rejected and subsequently met with many obstacles which the students felt were unreasonable demands by the colonial government to prevent the set up of the student union.
1112:
C.M. Turnbull, A History of Modern Singapore: 1819-2005 (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), 259; T.N. Harper, "Lim Chin Siong and the Singapore Story," in Lim Chin Siong in History: Comet in Our Sky, ed. Poh Soo Kai (Petaling Jaya, Malaysia: 2015),
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Hong Lysa, "Politics of the Chinese-speaking Communities in Singapore in the 1950s," in The May 13 Generation: The Chinese Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s (Petaling Jaya, Malaysia: SIRD, 2011),
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Michael Fernandez and Loh Kah Seng, "The Left Wing Trade Unions in Singapore, 1945-1970," in Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-War Singapore, edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki (Singapore: NUS Press, 2008),
1126:(Singapore: NUS Press 2012), 99; Loh Kah Seng, "Interview with Lee Tee Tong," in The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years, eds. Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang and Hong Lysa (Malaysia: SIRD, 2013), 373.
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Chu Wei Li et al., "An Interview with Lim Chin Joo," in Education-at-Large: Student Life and Activities in Singapore 1945–1965, ed. Siao See Teng et al. (Singapore: The Tangent and World Scientific Publishing, 2013)
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P.J. Thum, "The US, Cold War and Counter-Subversion in Singapore," in Makers and Keepers of Singapore History, edited by Loh Kah Seng and Liew Kai Khiun (Singapore: Ethos Books and Singapore Heritage Society, 2015),
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advocated for a single entity to control transportation. The report was an evident reaction to the operational challenges, poor administration and labour discontent that was evident in many of the bus companies.
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transportation system. To many of the workers, these strikes helped them to gain a 'Singaporean' consciousness outside of colonialism. The strikes and the workers' sentiments however were quickly put out.
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C.C. Chin, "The United Front Strategy of the MCP, 1950s to 1960s," in Paths Not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-War Singapore edited by Michael D. Barr and Carl A. Trocki (Singapore: NUS Press, 2008),
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took place on 12 May 1955 in Singapore. The riots started as a result of confrontation between the police, bus workers of the Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company and students who supported the bus workers.
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Sugimoto Ichiro, Economic Growth of Singapore in the Twentieth Century: Historical GDP Estimates and Empirical Investigations (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Ltd., 2011), 61-64.
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Kumar Ramakrishna, "Original Sin"? Revising the Revisionist Critique of the 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2015), 15-20.
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Ting-Hong Wong, Hegemonies Compared: State Formation and Chinese School Politics in Postwar Singapore and Hong Kong (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2002), 129-130.
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Kevin Tan, "The Evolution of Singapore's Modern Constitution: Developments from 1945 to the Present Day," Singapore Academy of Law Journal 1, 1989, 7-8.
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Carl Trocki, "Development of Labour Organisation in Singapore: 1800-1960," Australian Journal of Politics and History 47, no. 1 (2001): 124–125.
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Loh Kah Seng et al., The University Socialist Club and the Contest for Malaya: Tangled Strands of Modernity (Singapore: NUS Press, 2012), 88-89.
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P.J. Thum, "The Limitations of Monolingual History," in Studying Singapore's Past: C.M. Turnbull and the History of Modern Singapore, edited by
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Thum, "The Limitations," 100; Richard Clutterbuck, Riot and Revolution in Singapore and Malaya, 1945-1963 (London: Faber and Faber, 1973), 108.
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Bilveer Singh, Quest for Political Power: Communist Subversion and Militancy in Singapore (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Editions, 2015), 94.
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Sonny Yap et al., Men in White: The Untold Story of Singapore's Ruling Political Party (Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings, 2009), 78.
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Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper, Forgotten Wars: The End of Britain's Asian Empire (New York; London: Allen Lane, 2007), 420-435.
974:(PAP) and attributed the workers' involvement to be one of "joint direct militant campaign of obstruction and violence." The book
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Ting Hui Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 1954-1966 (Singapore: South Seas Society, 1996).
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Mark R. Frost and Balasingamchow Yu-Mei. Singapore: A Biography (Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2009), 356.
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1648:""(SBC) 1988 - Diary of A Nation (Episode 10 - Hock Lee Bus Riots)," Video, 11:48, "caix92", August 14, 2010"
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R.P. Wilson, A Study of the Public Bus Transport System of Singapore. Singapore: Government Printer, 1970.
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Dennis Bloodworth, The Tiger and the Trojan Horse (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish International, 2005).
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regulations increased restriction on civil society meetings in Singapore. A turning point came as the
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E. Kay Gillis, Singapore Civil Society and British Power (Singapore: Talisman Publishing, 2005), 136.
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Carl A. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control (London: Routledge, 2006), 136.
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strategic interests in Southeast Asia being challenged by peasant uprisings especially in Malaya.
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saw the cause of the riots to be a battle between moderate and left-wing politics within the
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John Drysdale, Singapore: Struggle for Success (Singapore: Times Books International, 1984).
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1590:"LTA | Industry & Innovations | Industry Transformation Map | Academies"
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American officials were alarmed by both the rise of social unrest in Singapore and the
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Workers in the 1950s were subject to the many effects of colonial society. The
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The riot resulted in the deaths of four people and thirty-one people injured.
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was accepted by the British government and resulted in elections that brought
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provided a platform for political activism that was disallowed prior to 1954.
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and takes on a perspective which favours the actions of the bus company.
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Media interest in the event sparked off some public debate. The
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Students from Chinese-medium schools (supporting the workers)
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Thomas St John Gray and Janice Young, "Hock Lee Bus Riots,"
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979:communists that eventually went out of control.
918:Role of Americans in Singapore's labour movement
1487:Thum, "The Limitations," 100; Singh, Quest, 95.
914:strike and the Singapore Harbour Board strike.
883:Postwar conditions and the rise of trade unions
766:2018 North Korea–United States Singapore Summit
1714:"The Journey: Tumultuous Times begins filming"
1546:Clutterbuck, Riot, 109-110; Singh, Quest, 97.
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273:Workers from Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company
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1386:Fernandez and Loh, "The Left Wing," 212-213.
1063:The riots were also dramatised in the drama
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55:Learn how and when to remove these messages
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1525:Clutterbuck, Riot, 109; Singh, Quest, 96.
1462:"Hock Lee bus workers give strike notice"
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1624:Fernandez and Loh, "The Left," 222.
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1811:Student protests in Singapore
1442:Thum, "The Limitations," 100.
1066:The Journey: Tumultuous Times
1796:Labour movement in Singapore
1771:Hock Lee bus strike and riot
1761:Resources in other libraries
1312:Thum, "The Limitations," 96.
1275:Thum, "The Limitations," 93.
686:1969 race riots of Singapore
1826:Labor disputes in Singapore
1236:Bloodworth, The Tiger, 179.
537:Anti-National Service Riots
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1266:Wong, Hegemonies, 131-132.
912:Singapore Traction Company
527:Second Legislative Council
1756:Resources in your library
1248:Turnbull, A History, 263.
1218:Bilveer Singh, Quest, 98.
1145:(Jun., 2009), pp. 323-351
585:Pulau Senang prison riots
507:First Legislative Council
1696:17 November 2015 at the
1685:17 November 2015 at the
1303:Hong, "Politics," 91-92.
1294:Hong, "Politics," 57-67.
1164:Thum, "The US," 160-161.
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1516:Clutterbuck, Riot, 110.
993:Malayan Communist Party
643:MacDonald House bombing
633:Race riots in Singapore
198:more precise citations.
1424:Loh, "Interview," 373.
716:Asian financial crisis
613:Singaporean referendum
1615:Rimmer, Rikisha, 121.
1579:Rimmer, Rikisha, 119.
1558:Hong, "Politics," 84.
1501:eresources.nlb.gov.sg
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1451:Hong, "Politics," 81.
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1721:. Retrieved
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1668:Days of Rage
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431:Crown colony
270:Participants
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84:Please help
79:verification
76:
52:
45:
39:
38:Please help
35:
18:
605:(1963–1965)
557:(1955–1963)
499:(1945–1962)
451:(1942–1945)
351:Long Ya Men
306:History of
264:Tiong Bahru
253:12 May 1955
196:introducing
1791:1955 riots
1780:Categories
1723:10 October
1073:References
878:Background
469:Sook Ching
329:(pre-1819)
179:references
112:newspapers
41:improve it
1635:Singapore
780:2020–2022
740:2009–2010
531:1951–1955
511:1948–1951
435:1867–1942
425:1826–1867
415:1819–1826
390:1528–1819
380:1400–1511
370:1299–1398
337:Srivijaya
308:Singapore
47:talk page
1694:Archived
1683:Archived
1359:208-209.
905:and the
810:Military
800:Timeline
793:By topic
411:Founding
341:650–1377
297:a series
295:Part of
258:Location
142:May 2011
1653:YouTube
963:Workers
347:Temasek
280:Outcome
192:improve
126:scholar
1744:about
1702:Part 3
1691:Part 2
1680:Part 1
1637:, 171.
1396:63-64.
356:Ban Zu
299:on the
181:, but
128:
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1718:TODAY
805:Riots
675:ASEAN
133:JSTOR
119:books
1725:2022
1155:170.
865:The
770:2018
760:2013
750:2012
730:2001
720:1997
710:1987
700:1974
690:1969
680:1967
647:1965
637:1964
627:1963
617:1962
589:1963
579:1960
569:1955
541:1954
521:1950
483:1943
473:1942
463:1942
250:Date
105:news
1340:89.
1285:66.
1113:27.
88:by
1782::
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