302:. Butler argues that cohabitation with other groups is a core part of Jewish history and identity, and that Israel and Palestine are inextricably linked. This creates an ethical responsibility for each group towards the other, an idea they borrow from Levinas. Unlike Levinas, however, Butler rejects Zionism and the necessity of the modern state of Israel, arguing that "no democratic polity has the right to secure demographic advantage for any particular ethnic or religious group". Butler imagines a single federal state protecting the rights of all citizens whose inhabitants have reexamined their experiences of exile and dispossession, and forged a new shared identity.
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the only or privileged one by which to think the critique of state violence. Rather than a bid for an easy multiculturalism, my proposal is that the vast and violent hegemonic structure of political
Zionism must cede its hold on those lands and populations and that what must take its place is a new polity that would presuppose the end to settler colonialism and that would imply complex and antagonistic modes of living together, an amelioration of the wretched forms of binationalism that already exist.
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if the critique of state violence relies on principles or values that are finally, exclusively, or fundamentally Jewish, understood variously and broadly as a religious, secular, or historical set of traditions, then
Jewishness becomes a privileged cultural resource, and the Jewish framework remains
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is a Jewish
American philosopher, gender studies scholar, and distinguished professor at the University of California, Berkeley. Butler has been an outspoken critic of Israel for decades.
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in Gaza, which Butler describes as "violent bombardments of trapped populations" in the book's introduction.
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The
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was published after, and makes reference to, the 2008-2009
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Video interview with Judith Butler about
Parting Ways
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Parting Ways: Jewishness and the
Critique of Zionism
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Parting Ways: Jewishness and the
Critique of Zionism
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Parting Ways: Jewishness and the
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