247:
others who were counterrevolutionary, Catholic, traditionalist and reactionary crossed over to La Rocque's PSF. This was also true of some democratic conservatives who had previously viewed La Rocque with repugnance but who were now willing to overlook the many anti-democratic statements and paramilitary threats to overthrow the government that he had made before 1936. When the new
Popular Front government banned the paramilitary CF in the summer of 1936, La Rocque replaced it with the PSF, claiming that he was now a political democrat (an alleged conversion that was quickly forgotten in 1941 when he became a strong supporter of the Vichy regime). To historians who claim that his democratic pronouncements between 1936 and 1939 prove that he was not fascist (and that those who supported him, including former members of the CF, believed this as well), Soucy notes that La Rocque was not the only European fascist of the era who chose to pursue a democratic path to power when a paramilitary coup was unrealistic. Hitler made the same calculation after the Munich putsch of 1923 and came to power "legally" a decade later.
255:
condemned moderates for falling prey to "compromise and hesitation" and called upon the French people to stand up against the threat of
Communist revolution and "its sordid ally moderation." In 1941, La Rocque reminded his readers of the "many times" in the past that he had "condemned moderates", adding that "They are dainty persons. They are weak persons" . In the winter of 1935–1936, La Rocque concluded that circumstances were not favorable for a paramilitary coup and chose to pursue an electoral path to power—despite telling his troops at the time that "even the idea of soliciting a vote nauseates me"). "Hitlerism", he reminded them "became a preponderant political force only on the day when…it achieved 107 seats in the Reichstag."
226:
fascists had a greater hatred of "decadence", a greater desire to create large numbers of anti-decadent "new men", a greater appeal to the young (paramilitary "virility" was the ideal), and were more fiercely nationalistic. They also indulged in a more virulent demonology than many conservatives, blaming more harshly or "extremely" Communists, Socialists, freemasons, internationalists and (though not always) Jews for most of the nation's ills. Fascists had a greater taste for repressing "unpatriotic" souls. They were more willing to engage in paramilitary politics and sought to apply military values (discipline, obedience, anti-hedonism) to society at large. Whereas traditional conservatives were wary of even
230:, fascists were eager to mobilize the masses—but for socially reactionary not socially radical ends (Gustave Le Bon was a precursor here). In doing so, fascists echoed an ideal that traditional conservatives also promoted: that material differences between the upper and lower classes were unimportant compared to "spiritual" values and the unity of the nation. French fascists urged their followers to revive the "spirit of the trenches" of the First World War where workers and bourgeois, peasants and aristocrats fought side by side against the nation's enemies, including domestic enemies. Soucy believes that at various times La Rocque's movement displayed all of the above features.
251:
sharply to the political Right after his national "syndicalist" Fascio suffered a huge defeat in the
Italian elections of 1919. Soucy is also critical of definitions of fascism that require fascists—in order to be considered fascists—to behave before they came to power in as "totalitarian" a fashion as they had after they came to power (both Mussolini and Hitler had once been electoral politicians). For Soucy, too many historians have attempted to white-wash the CF/PSF by defining fascism in such an unhistorical way, taking at face value La Rocque's "democratic" rhetoric after the CF (at least its paramilitary formations) was outlawed in 1936.
332:. He spent the rest of the war in various German prisons. For Soucy, this only proves that he was highly nationalistic, not that he was opposed to French fascism. However, the source used by Soucy did not mentioned "with Germans" and such addition radically change the meaning of the original text which called for a post-war continental collaboration to rebuild Europe as it was considered by La Rocque as soon as 1939, something that might, at best, be interpreted as a call for an Atlantic alliance. Soucy later recognised having added himself the word "with Germans" when quoting his source.
267:
in cultural and political anti-Semitism after 1936, especially where Jewish immigrants and
Popular Front Jews were concerned. In 1941 he wrote of "Jewish purulence" abetted by Freemason "conspiracies", and in 1941 he accused Jewish immigrants of having undermined the "morality" and "health" of the nation and—again along with the Freemasons—of having contributed to the "mortal vices" of France. In 1941 he exhorted Vichy officials to undertake with "a pitiless resolution" the "integral extirpation of contaminated elements" in French society.
312:. Soucy notes that there were also many Catholics who rejected native fascisms during the interwar period (for example, more Protestants than Catholics voted for Nazism in Germany in the July 1932 elections, 38% to 16%). However, Soucy contends that Catholics like Valois, Taittinger, Coty, Bucard and La Rocque were indeed spokesmen for fascism, for varieties of French fascism whose intellectual origins in France went back to the 1880s, to a fascist "tradition" that La Rocque and others echoed in many ways.
191:
Doriot's movement after 1937), that their major financial backers were from the business world (both Doriot and La Rocque received funds from the steel trust), and that—with the exception of Doriot's PPF before 1937—none of these movements had any significant working class support (while Doriot's shrank after he turned rightward in 1937).
291:
thanked
Mussolini for implementing the "Social Catholicism" of the Church. Nor were all of the Duce's supporters aesthetic modernists. Historians who assume that fascism and Catholicism (particularly right-wing Catholicism) are as separate as oil and water ignore that during the 1930s there were many
266:
Nor, according to Soucy, was La Rocque always opposed to anti-Semitism. Although La Rocque did oppose biological anti-Semitism and defended "French" Jews, especially Jewish war veterans and right-wing Jews (the chief rabbi of Paris, Rabbi Kaplan, supported him for a while), he indulged increasingly
238:
and Doriot—as well as from
Mussolini to Hitler—was that class conflict (especially workers' strikes) should be replaced with nationalistic class conciliation (on conservative terms). In a number of cases during the Great Depression, differences between fascist and non-fascist conservatives gave way
336:
also notice that La Rocque strongly rejected any collaboration with
Germany as long as Germany would be a victorious power and France an occupied country and was considered being hostile to those policies by prefects of Vichy Regime. By the way, La Rocque started to convey military intelligence to
254:
Soucy disagrees as well with historians who claim that La Rocque was too "moderate" to be a fascist, that he believed in "republican legality", disapproved of political violence, was a political democrat, and was opposed to anti-Semitism. Soucy's rebuttal includes the following.. In 1935 La Rocque
209:
Although Soucy points out the obvious—that not all French conservatives in the 1920s and 30's were attracted to fascism (especially members of the
Alliance démocratique and the Parti démocratique populaire in the 1930s)—he regards the most successful French fascisms of the era, that is, those with
258:
Soucy also points out that La Rocque was not opposed to all political violence. In 1933 La Rocque praised CF members who had engaged in "numerous" political assaults on pacifist conferences between 1931 and 1933 (leading one of them himself). In 1934 he commanded his troops in a "disciplined" way
250:
Soucy emphasizes that the "fluidity" of fascist ideology and tactics defies historians who insist on imposing static taxonomies on "fascism in motion." A major example of such fluidity in
Italian fascism occurred when Benito Mussolini, once a leading member of the Italian Socialist Party, turned
233:
Soucy maintains that in the 1930s the more that non-fascist authoritarian conservatives (and even many previously democratic conservatives) felt threatened by the political Left, the greater was their susceptibility to fascism. For French conservatives who chose a fascist alternative, no serious
246:
and Pierre Drieu La
Rochelle employed "anti-bourgeois" rhetoric, they were referring to "decadent" bourgeois (secular, liberal, democratic, hedonistic, soft-on-Marxism bourgeois), not "virile" bourgeois. After 1936, in response to the rise of the Popular Front, many previous French fascists and
225:
For Soucy, the differences between non-fascist authoritarian conservatives and fascist authoritarian conservatives were often more a matter of degree (which could increase when threatened by leftists) than of fixed or irreconcilable essences. Compared to non-fascist authoritarian conservatives,
190:
and La Rocque's CF/PSF—were strong defenders of social conservatism and upper class economic interests. Soucy contends that former leftists who joined these movements soon became ex-leftists, that the actual social-economic goals of these fascisms ran from conservative to reactionary (including
221:
Soucy describes a number of characteristics that the CF/PSF shared with other European fascisms of the era and elaborates a similarly multi-faceted definition of fascism itself. Whereas some historians who consider upper class conservatives who supported fascism as "allies" or "accomplices" of
147:(CF/PSF) was too socially, economically and culturally conservative to be fascist. The importance of the CF/PSF to the debate over French fascism derives from the fact that CF/PSF was the largest political movement on the French Right in 1937 with a party membership greater than those of the
315:
Finally, Soucy takes issue with the assumption that because La Rocque was highly nationalistic and strongly opposed to a German invasion of France in the 1930s he was not fascist. The American scholar points out that La Rocque was hardly the only European fascist of the era who was highly
316:
nationalistic. Most were, including Mussolini and Hitler, and none wanted their countries conquered by other nations, even fascist ones. This did not prevent La Rocque from writing in 1934 that the Duce was a "genius" and that "the admiration that Mussolini merited is incontestable."
198:"double-talk"—of some of these movements at face value, ignoring how it was repeatedly contradicted by their specific positions on social, economic and political issues. For Soucy, these organizations were far more nationalist than socialist, as was also one of their precursors, the
270:
Soucy also questions the argument that La Rocque's movement was not fascist because it was a form of "patriotic social Christianity", i.e. too nationalistic and too Catholic to be fascist. According to Soucy, the same description could be applied to the dominant faction in
259:
during the February 6 riots in Paris that led to the resignation of the democratically elected Daladier government. In October 1936, three months after the creation of the "democratic" PSF, some 15,000 to 20,000 PSF activists violently contested a Communist rally in the
319:
According to Soucy, La Rocque called upon France to engage in "continental solidarity" with (but not subjugation to) fascist Italy, both in the 1930s and in 1941. Soucy also pretend that, in 1941, La Rocque also supported "continental collaboration" with
263:(thirty police were injured in the melee). A month later, La Rocque described the violence of his followers at the Parc des Princes as a spontaneous "mass unprising" that had stopped the "rise to power of a Communist plot."
324:—on the condition that France be treated as an equal partner. When he finally concluded in early 1942 that it was not going to happen (and the war had started to turn against the Germans), he formed his own
815:
785:
222:
fascism but not fascists themselves, Soucy objects that such "selective essentialism" spares traditional elites, but not those beneath them, from being regarded as fascists.
210:
the largest party memberships, as "variants" or "extensions" of social conservatism in crisis, movements that benefited from the right-wing backlash to the elections of the
152:
166:'s "Neo-Socialists") were more left than right (if only for short periods). But he maintains that the largest French fascist movements of the interwar period—
760:
234:
assault on the economic interests of traditional elites was required. A recurring theme in fascist writings from Valois, Taittinger and Coty to La Rocque,
825:
387:
Archives nationales. Paris. 451 AP 91, document 162, Winter of 1935-36. Cited in Robert Soucy, "Fascism in France: Problematising the Immunity Thesis",
755:
795:
123:
Soucy has been a controversial figure in the scholarly debate over French fascism, several of his interpretations differing from those of most
287:. Not only did the large influx of Catholics who poured into the PNF after 1929 leave their mark on subsequent fascist ideology in Italy, but
417:, Clermont-Ferrand, Éditions du Petit Journal, 1941, pp. 91, 97-98. Cited in Soucy, French Fascism : the Second Wave, 1933-1939, p. 158.
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790:
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in 1936. He contends that one of these variants was La Rocque's CF/PSF, a movement that had close to a million party members by 1937.
127:
who have written on the subject. Soucy disagrees with arguments that fascism in France in the late 1930s was primarily a synthesis of
292:
fusions of the two, including the existence of important Catholic Fascist movements in Spain, Portugal, Poland, Austria, Hungary,
800:
542:
3rd of October, 1942, prefect of Eure-et-Loire, F1/CIII-1153 & 22nd of January, 1941, AJ 40/927. Cited in Winock, Michel,
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to "fusion"—with ideological interpenetration taking place in both directions as a result of common interest.
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135:("neither right nor left"), that French fascist movements of the period were "marginal", and that Colonel
20:
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65:. His father was a fruit and vegetables peddler and his mother a former farm girl. Soucy graduated from
374:, June 29, 1941. Bibliothèque nationale, Paris. Cited in Robert Soucy, « Réponse à Michel Winock,
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78:
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357:, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, University of California Press, 1979, chapter five. Robert Soucy,
227:
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organization (he was not the only French fascist to join the Resistance) and was arrested by the
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33:, specializing in French fascist movements between 1924 and 1939, French fascist intellectuals
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660:, University of Paderborn, Germany, vol. 15, issue 3, Heft 3 (2004), pp. 350–353, 416.
637:, Lawrence D. Kritzman, editor, Columbia University Press, New York, 2006, pp. 35–39.
199:
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656:"What is meant by ‘revolutionary' fascism?" and "Lack of Response from Roger Griffin",
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630:, Brian Jenkins, editor, London and New York, Berghahn Books, 2005, pp. 65–104.
361:, 1933-1939, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1995, pp. 298-299, p. 316.
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140:
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353:
Robert Soucy, "Fascist Socialism and Bourgeois Revolution" in Robert Soucy,
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404:, Brian Jenkins, editor, New York and Oxford, Berghahn Books, 2005, p. 78.
194:
Too many historians, Soucy argues, have taken the "socialist" rhetoric—or
391:, editor Brian Jenkins, New York and Oxford, Berghahn Books, 2005, p. 72.
280:
279:(PNF) after the signing of the concordat between Italian fascism and the
171:
400:
Robert Soucy, "Fascism in France: Problematizing the Immunity Thesis",
329:
297:
293:
628:
France in the Era of Fascism: Essays on the French Authoritarian Right
586:, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, University of California Press, 1979.
580:, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, University of California Press, 1972.
402:
France in the Era of Fascism: Essays on the French Authoritarian Right
389:
France in the Era of Fascism: Essays on the French Authoritarian Right
309:
714:"Drieu La Rochelle and Modernist Anti-Modernism in French Fascism",
649:"La Rocque et le fascisme français : réponse à Michel Winock",
512:
Soucy, Robert, "Réponse à Michel Winock sur le fascisme français",
305:
74:
728:"Functional Hating: French Fascist Demonology between the Wars",
700:"Psychodynamics of French Fascism: the Case of Georges Valois",
721:"French Press Reactions to Hitler's First Two Years in Power",
679:"French Fascism as Class Conciliation and Moral Regeneration",
158:
Soucy acknowledges that some French fascist movements (such as
105:
1966–1998. He has served on the editorial board of the journal
693:"Psychosexual Aspects of the Fascism of Drieu La Rochelle",
616:. Préface d'Antoine Prost, Paris, Éditions Autrement, 2004.
614:
Fascismes français? 1933-1939: Mouvements antidémocratiques
443:
Soucy, French Fascism: the First Wave, 1924-1933, pp. 1-20.
432:
Fascismes français? 1933-1939: Mouvements antidémocratiques
242:
According to Soucy, when French fascist intellectuals like
626:"Fascism in France: Problematizing the Immunity Thesis",
635:
The Columbia History of Twentieth-Century French Thought
206:
but the later much more socially conservative Proudhon.
653:, vol. 95 (juillet-septembre, 2007), pp. 219–236.
607:, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1995.
592:, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1995.
704:, vol. XII, no. 2/3 (Winter 1984), pp. 19–23.
676:, vol. XLIV, no. 4 (March 1971), pp. 677–686.
202:, which honored not the early "property is theft"
686:"French Fascist Intellectuals: An Old New Left?"
669:, vol. XLI, no. 1 (October 1967), pp. 48–59.
557:Nationalisme, antisémitisme et fascisme en France
544:Nationalisme, antisémitisme et fascisme en France
531:Nationalisme, antisémitisme et fascisme en France
529:Fonds La Rocque, CHEVS. Cited in Winock, Michel,
428:Soucy, French Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933-1939
683:, vol. I, no. 4 (Autumn 1971), pp. 287–197.
601:, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1992.
456:, Paris, Grasset, 1934, p. 177. Cited in Soucy,
101:1964–65, and an Assistant and Full Professor at
77:, France in 1956–57, received his M.A. from the
711:, vol. VI, no. 2 (Summer 1989), pp. 48–55.
697:, vol. IV, no. 1 (Summer 1976), pp. 71–92.
337:the United-Kingdom as soon as the end of 1940.
119:Participation in the debate over French fascism
725:, vol. 7, part I (March 1998), pp. 21–38.
707:"Drieu La Rochelle and Ascetic Aestheticism",
578:Fascism in France: the Case of Maurice Barrès
8:
816:Academics and writers on far-right politics
111:. He is a professor emeritus of History at
732:, vol. 23 (Summer 1999), pp. 158–176.
605:French Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933-1939
475:French Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933-1939
458:French Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933-1939
378:, no. 95 (juillet-septembre 2007), p. 223.
690:, vol. III, no. 3 (Spring 1974), 445–458.
590:French Fascism: the First Wave, 1924-1933
376:Vingtième Siècle : revue d'histoire
89:1957–1960. He received his PhD from the
640:"Fascism", "The Encyclopædia Britannica
584:Fascist Intellectual: Drieu La Rochelle
355:Fascist Intellectual: Drieu La Rochelle
346:
786:University of Wisconsin–Madison alumni
672:"Bad Readers in the World of Proust",
97:1963–1964, an assistant professor at
7:
29:(born June 25, 1933) is an American
718:, vol. 95 (1980), pp. 922–937.
681:Societas—A Review of Social History
761:21st-century American male writers
651:Vingtième Siècle: revue d'histoire
19:For other people named Soucy, see
14:
826:American male non-fiction writers
663:"Proust's Aesthetic of Reading",
434:, Paris, Autrement, 2004, p. 456.
756:21st-century American historians
730:Contemporary French Civilization
599:Le Fascisme français, 1924-1933
359:French Fascism: the Second Wave
473:, pp. 79, 85. Cited in Soucy,
93:in 1963, was an instructor at
1:
796:Kent State University faculty
723:Contemporary European History
45:, twentieth-century European
695:The Journal of Psychohistory
520:, n 95, July–September 2007.
61:Robert J. Soucy was born in
806:Writers from Topeka, Kansas
776:University of Kansas alumni
842:
791:Harvard University faculty
781:Washburn University alumni
277:Partito Nazionale Fascista
53:'s aesthetics of reading.
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811:People from Oberlin, Ohio
688:French Historical Studies
426:La Rocque, 146. Cited in
108:French Historical Studies
702:The Psychohistory Review
188:Parti Populaire Français
178:'s Jeunesses Patriotes,
39:Pierre Drieu La Rochelle
801:Oberlin College faculty
490:, Fayard, 1996, p. 780.
488:Le Colonel de La Rocque
91:University of Wisconsin
87:United States Air Force
503:, n 632, October 2004.
204:Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
21:Soucy (disambiguation)
771:Historians of fascism
716:Modern Language Notes
559:, Points, 2014, p.323
546:, Points, 2014, p.323
533:, Points, 2014, p.323
145:Parti Social Français
137:François de La Rocque
99:Kent State University
821:Historians from Ohio
766:Historians of France
709:South Central Review
658:Erwagen Wissin Ethik
486:Nobécourt, Jacques,
471:Disciplines d'Action
430:, 320 and in Soucy,
415:Disciplines d'Action
180:Solidarité française
162:'s Front Commun and
83:Intelligence Officer
79:University of Kansas
47:intellectual history
499:Thomas, Jean-Paul,
228:right-wing populism
81:in 1957 and was an
67:Washburn University
212:Cartel des Gauches
95:Harvard University
16:American historian
674:The French Review
666:The French Review
244:Robert Brasillach
176:Pierre Taittinger
153:Socialist parties
125:French historians
71:Fulbright scholar
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366:
358:
354:
349:
322:Nazi Germany
318:
314:
289:Pope Pius XI
269:
265:
257:
253:
249:
241:
232:
224:
220:
208:
193:
157:
141:Croix-de-Feu
122:
106:
60:
27:Robert Soucy
26:
25:
746:1933 births
647:(in French)
633:"Fascism",
611:(in French)
596:(in French)
469:La Rocque,
452:La Rocque,
413:La Rocque,
372:Le Flambeau
370:La Rocque,
164:Marcel Déat
129:nationalism
740:Categories
341:References
326:Resistance
155:combined.
477:, p. 119.
460:, p. 320.
302:Argentina
273:Mussolini
196:Orwellian
133:socialism
57:Biography
31:historian
172:Faisceau
642:, 2002.
330:Gestapo
298:Bolivia
294:Croatia
281:Vatican
85:in the
310:Brazil
49:, and
572:Books
306:Chile
75:Dijon
308:and
151:and
131:and
37:and
275:'s
186:'s
139:'s
73:in
742::
516:.
304:,
300:,
296:,
182:,
174:,
170:'
115:.
41:,
143:/
23:.
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