280:. Waldron noted that Feigon's book represented the first "serious attempt to depict as something other than the monster he undoubtedly was", and that it came from an author who had clearly had sympathies for Mao during the 1960s. Believing that the text was "at best quixotic" for attempting to portray Mao as "a highly positive historical figure", he denigrated it as being "wildly wrong". Nevertheless, he noted that Feigon was right in emphasising the influence of Stalin and the Soviet Union over Mao's early political thought. In her review of
219:. Noting that it was clearly not a biography but rather a "smoothly presented plea against the currently prevailing view" of Mao, he refused to fault Feigon on his "unfashionable" views. He nevertheless identified two areas where he disagreed with Feigon's revisionism; first, he noted that Feigon had never dealt with the issue of Mao's "Führerism" and autocratic influence, while secondly, he noted that Feigon made no use of new data, instead merely offering a "
191:"In this interpretative study of the life of Mao Zedong, sets out to clear away two supposed myths: that Mao was an innovative and independent thinker up to 1949, and that he became a Stalinist tyrant thereafter. Instead, he argues the reverse: Mao followed and relied on Joseph Stalin in the early period but became increasingly original and creative in the late 1950s and the 1960s, when he set China on the road to fundamental change."
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journal. Believing it less of a "reinterpretation" than a revival of an interpretation common during the 1970s, he remarked that Feigon does what he can to shift the blame from Mao for human rights abuses wherever possible. Stating that he did not "systematically discuss environmental damage, famine
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opinion" on the available information. Highlighting a number of factual errors and an unexplained use of both forms of transliteration, he nevertheless believed that Feigon did present some "valid points", such as that Mao was far more influenced by Stalin in the 1920s and 1930s than has been widely
168:, and Gregor Benton. The reception was mixed, but criticism predominated as many believed that Feigon neglected Mao's autocratic tendencies. On the other hand, most reviewers praised Feigon for his argument that the early Mao was heavily influenced by Stalin.
260:", Benton commented that Mao's regime could be seen as Stalinist in most definitions of the term. Opining that the book was bound to court controversy, he thought that had set an "agenda for debate" and would appear on student reading list in future years.
256:. He argued that Feigon's presentation of Mao and Stalin's relationship was "true in broad design" but failed to take into account those examples where Mao ignored Moscow's commands. Critical that Feigon did not specify how he was defining "
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recognized. Concluding his review, Terrill admitted to being perplexed as to why Feigon had written the book, offering neither "a powerful defense" of the Great Leap
Forward and Cultural Revolution or a case for "
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At the time of publication, Feigon had established himself as a "respected China specialist", who is known for "plain speaking" and his "readiness to stick his neck out".
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in Tibet, the fate of intellectuals", he summed up his review by commenting that contrary to Feigon's opinions, he found Mao no more attractive than Stalin.
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think tank), compared it favourably to Feigon's work. She criticized Dow Jones' review in the
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228:or Chinese Trotskyism".
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