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cure, invited him to dinner and he returned to his confinement no more." What is known about the actual events is that John
Sherratt, Christopher Smart's friend, believed that Smart's confinement was unfair and wanted to negotiate Smart's release. In January 1763, he met with a parliamentary committee to discuss the issue of individuals falsely imprisoned and abuses that they would receive in asylums. In particular, Sherratt argued that many were admitted for habitual intoxication, which undermined Battie's and other asylum keeper's reputations. A finding by the parliamentary committee released 27 January 1763 bolstered Sherratt's chances to release Smart. To those around him, Smart appeared perfectly sane, and he was most likely released because of legislation concurrently being passed in parliament advocating for a reform to patient care. Smart left the asylum on 30 January 1763 with Sherratt.
796:" During his episodes of illness, as Anderson continued, Smart "probably suffered some periods of delirium" but also "appeared to know what he was doing". Smart's actions were similar to 18th-century Methodists that were "addicted to public prayer with what was thought to be overly charged high spirits. Such displayers of religious emotionalism were often confined not only to private madhouses, but also to Bedlam". Later, in 1998, Charles Rosen pointed out that "The Enlightenment condemned religious enthusiasm as appropriate for the uneducated and the great unwashed" and "it is understandable that the only original and vital religious poetry between 1760 and 1840 should have been written by poets considered genuinely mad by their contemporaries: Smart, Blake, and Hölderlin."
33:
712:: "As matters actually stand, who are the English poets of that age in whom pre-eminently one can hear and recognize the true poetic accent emerging clearly from the contemporary dialect? These four: Collins, Christopher Smart, Cowper, and Blake. And what other characteristic had these four in common? They were mad." In 1994, Branimir Rieger differed from Housman's view by distancing Smart from the others when he argued that "Collins and Cowper pine as isolated individuals, guiltily aware of a vitality that is not finally human but divine. Smart soars beyond individuality to embrace that vitality, but at a cost of all human relationship."
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audience, but Smart, the enthusiast, would have been condemned immediately. The result would be obvious: his past work, previously lauded, would be ignored, and his future work would receive immediate condemnation. such was the history of Smart's contemporary reputation." In determining if Smart was really mad or not, Blaydes concluded, "in Smart's day, any sign of enthusiasm would have been cause for the judgment of madness ... Two accounts of Smart and the nature of his madness have been preserved for us. Each permits some doubt that the poet was mad and could be regarded so in any age."
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denied access to that which was deemed to be the cause of their madness (these causes ranged from alcohol and food to working outside). If their actions appeared "afresh and without assignable cause", then their condition would be labelled as "original" madness and deemed incurable. An institution like St Luke's, run by Battie, held both "curable" and "incurable" patients. There were few spots available for patients to receive free treatment, and many were released after a year to make room for new admittances.
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318:. Smart might have turned to writing poetry as a way to focus the mind or as self-therapy. Although 20th-century critics debate whether his new poetic self-examination represents an expression of evangelical Christianity, his poetry during his isolation does show a desire for "unmediated revelation" from God. There is an "inner light" that serves as a focal point for Smart and his poems written during his confinement, and that inner light connects him to the Christian God.
295:, the government body that controlled St James's Park, would treat most disturbances in the park as resulting from madness. If Smart was placed into the asylum as a result of actions at St James's, he would not have been the only one, since records show that the Board of Green Cloth was responsible for admitting sixteen people to Bethlem Hospital for "frenzy" at St James's Park during the century prior to Smart being placed in St Luke's.
761:, 1760, lists 'anxiety of mind' and too much 'strong vinous or spirituous liquors' as 'antecedent causes' of madness. Smart's mania, however it manifested itself, and it usually manifested itself in loud public prayer, did not stem from drunkenness; it was aggravated, however, by frequent recourse to the bottle. Ironically enough, as Mrs. Piozzi recognised, if Smart had prayed in the privacy of his home, all might have been well for him.
803:'animality' of madness", believed that Smart emotionally connected with animals because of the "medical stigmatization" he felt at the hands of his fellow man. Chris Mounsey, agreeing with Hawes's interpretation, believed that Smart's treatment was "a bestializing process and had taught him to hold his tongue and sit out his time as quietly as possible." Contrary to the bestialisation, Allan Ingram argued that
249:, which argues that a constant state of prayer will establish a connection with God. Smart began by praying at regular intervals but this slowly deteriorated into irregular praying in which he would interrupt his friends' activities and call them into the street to pray with him. These calls for public prayer continued until an incident that Smart later described in
752:. Brain based his diagnosis on Smart's own claims about how he felt, and he concluded that "in Smart's case the mental illness was not the result of his drunkenness, but he drank because he was mentally unstable." Arthur Sherbo, in 1967, argued that "The nature of Smart's madness is impossible to diagnose at this distance in time" and then argued that:
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for he appears to have been very mad in his senses, and a decent citizen out of them. He went mad—legally and medically—once, and nothing came out of it, perhaps because he was not mad enough. Then he went mad again and being duly shut up in Bedlam wrote one of the finest outbursts of lyric genius in the eighteenth century—perhaps
443:. Smart did not profit from the work, but he was able to see at least some of his previous work being printed again. Smart, according to his 20th-century biographer Arthur Sherbo, had only "his God and his poetry". A few of his loyal friends eventually grew tired of the treatment Smart received and freed him from Mr Potter's.
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is consistent with Smart's 1760s writings on the subject in which, according to Thomas Keymer, "the category of madness is insistently relativized, and made to seem little more than the invention of a society strategically concerned to discredit all utterances or conduct that threatens its interests and norms."
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reasons. During Smart's confinement time, his wife Anna left and took the children with her to
Ireland. There is no record that he ever saw her again. His isolation led him into writing religious poetry, and he abandoned the traditional genres of the 18th century that marked his earlier poetry when he wrote
133:, Monro explained that those who were mad had the correct perceptions, but that they lacked the ability to judge properly. Although Monro promoted ideas of reform, his suggested treatment—beating patients—was as harsh on patients as Battie's preferred option, of completely isolating patients from society.
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In the 18th century, as
Blaydes continued, the word changed from possessed by god to inspired to falsely inspired. The result of this change was that British society viewed enthusiasm as the enemy to both reason and social order. Thus, "Smart, the hack-writer, would not have been greeted by a hostile
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preternatural excitement to prayer seems to have been poor Smart's only real mental aberration, unless his drunkenness be considered pathological. When his mind was removed entirely from the field of prayer, he was but little changed from his sane state. His powers of reason, though thus warped, were
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Now
Christopher Smart was a very beggarly poet of the eighteenth century ... but had not the smallest claim to rank with those great men beyond their common trade of poem. Kit Smart, in fact, though he wrote a pestilent deal of verse, could not write poetry—nor anything else ... Legally mad, that is;
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transaction of life no man's wits could be more regular than those of Smart, for this prevalence of one idea pertinaciously keeping the first place in his head had in no sense, except in what immediately related to itself, perverted his judgement at all; his opinions were unchanged as before, nor did
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B 129). Smart was left alone for four years, except for his cat
Jeoffry and the occasional gawker who would come to see those deemed mad. Piozzi described Smart's general situation: "He was both a wit and a scholar, and visited as such while under confinement for MADNESS." It is very possible that he
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emphasized that asylums were used in the 18th century to attack dissenting views and that the idea of madness was a cultural fear held by the
British public, rather than a legitimate medical condition. In particular, Foucault considered the 18th century a time of "great confinement". This description
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find that
Madness is, contrary to the opinion of some unthinking persons, as manageable as many other distempers, which are equally dreadful and obstinate, and yet are not looked upon as incurable, and that such unhappy objects ought by no means to be abandoned, much less shut up in loathsome prisons
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Smart was diagnosed as "incurable" while at St Luke's, and when they ran out of funds for his care he was moved to Mr. Potter's asylum, Bethnal Green. All that is known of his years of confinement is that he wrote poetry. Smart's isolation led him to abandon the poetic genres of the 18th century that
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The possible religious component of Smart's condition was taken up by 20th-century critics as an explanation for why the 18th century saw Smart as mad. Laurence Binyon, in 1934, believed that religion played a major role in how society viewed Smart: "Smart's madness seems to have taken the form of a
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agreed with
Rossetti and Palgrave, but to a lesser extent, when he wrote, "This poem stands alone, the most extraordinary phenomenon, perhaps, in our literature, the one rapt strain in the poetry of the eighteenth century, the work of a poet who, though he produced much, has not produced elsewhere a
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Concerning this unfortunate poet, Christopher Smart, who was confined in a mad-house, he had, at another time, the following conversation with Dr Burney: – Burney. 'How does poor Smart do, Sir; is he likely to recover?' Johnson. 'It seems as if his mind had ceased to struggle with the disease;
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During Smart's confinement at St Luke's, not even other doctors were allowed to see Smart unless they had received personal permission from Battie. It was improbable that Smart could have left the asylum without being released by Battie. Even if Smart would have attempted to obtain release via legal
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Hunter reports that Samuel
Johnson visited Smart during the latter's confinement, and it was Johnson that, "on the first approaches of Mr Smart's malady, wrote several papers for a periodical publication in which that gentleman was concerned." However, at no time did Smart ever believe himself to be
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Though the fortune as well as the constitution of Mr. Smart required the utmost care, he was equally negligent in the management of both, and his various and repeated embarrassments acting upon an imagination uncommonly fervid, produced temporary alienations of mind; which at last were attended with
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back again. I did not think he ought to be shut up. His infirmities are not noxious to society. He insisted on people praying with him; and I'd as lief pray with Kit Smart as any one else. Another charge was that he did not love clean linen; and I have no passion for it.' – Johnson continued.
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The specific events of Smart's confinement are unknown. He may have been in a private madhouse before St Luke's and later moved from St Luke's to Mr Potter's asylum until his release. At St Luke's, he transitioned from being "curable" to "incurable", and was moved to Mr Potter's asylum for monetary
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18th century treatment of inpatients was simple: they were to be fed daily a light diet of bread, oatmeal, some meat or cheese, and a little amount of beer, which were inadequate in meeting daily nutritional needs; they were denied contact with outsiders, including family members; and they would be
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claimed that
Christopher Smart was "possessed by his subject... and where there is true possession – where the fires of the poet's imagination are not choked by self-consciousness or by too much fuel from the intellect – idiosyncrasy, mannerism, and even conventional formulae are for the
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There is little information about how and why Smart was released from asylum, but his daughter claimed: "He grew better, and some misjudging friends who misconstrued Mr Newbery's great kindness in placing him under necessary & salutary restriction which might possibly have eventually wrought a
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There are other possibilities beyond madness or religious fervor that may have led to Smart's confinement: Newbery may have used the imprisonment of his son-in-law as leverage to control the publication of Smart's work and as a warning to others who worked for him not to cross him. Another theory
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Dr. Battie having acquainted this Committee that Christopher Smart (who was admitted on the 6th day of May 1757) continues disordered in his Senses notwithstanding he has been admitted into this Hospital above 12 Calendar Months and from the present Circumstances of his Case there is not Suffit.
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Madness frequently discovers itself merely by unnecessary deviation from the usual mode of the world. My poor friend Smart shewed the disturbance of his mind, by falling upon his knees, and saying his prayers in the street, or in any other unusual place. Now although, rationally speaking, it is
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means, the rules for subpoenaing release would have been almost impossible to follow based on the system that Battie had in place, which isolated the individual from all contact. Eventually, Smart was deemed "incurable" and would not have been released by the hospital but for its lack of funds.
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The cause of Smart's eclipse may be traced in part to a prejudice of the age, one which was founded in reason but developed in fear. There was one inescapable fact which hampered any clear perception of Smart's work—he had been confined for madness. It was easier to use a difficult allusion or
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since Battie himself pronounced him uncured, he must have been subject to hallucinations. Strong drink, taken often enough and in sufficient quantity, will have that effect, of course, but Battie, distinguishing between 'original' and 'consequential' madness ... would allow only that excessive
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who kept a private house at Bethnal Green". She described her experience as being held in a "small neat parlour". However, Mr Potter's private madhouse was not "homely", and Smart's treatments were far worse, as he describes: "For they work on me with their harping-irons, which is a barbarous
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Smart was confined to asylums during a time of debate about the nature of madness and its treatment. During the 18th century, madness was "both held to reveal inner truth and condemned to silence and exclusion as something unintelligible by reason, and therefore threatening to society and to
218:, a poem which thanked God for recovery from an illness of some kind, possibly a "disturbed mental state". During the illness, Smart was possibly confined to Newbery's home and unable to write or be socially active. Out of sympathy for Smart, many of his friends, including writer and critic
203:. In 1752, Smart married Newbery's daughter, Anna Maria Carnan, and had two daughters with her by 1754. Although many of Smart's works were published between 1753 and 1755, he had little money to provide for his family. At the end of 1755, he finished a translation of the works of
475:, a poet also placed into asylum and Smart's contemporary, when they investigated the concept of "madness". The work stayed in private holdings until it was rediscovered in the 20th century by William Stead. It was not published until 1939 when it was printed with the title
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for he grows fat upon it.' Burney. 'Perhaps, Sir, that may be from want of exercise.' Johnson. 'No, Sir; he has partly as much exercise as he used to have, for he digs in the garden. Indeed, before his confinement, he used for exercise to walk to the ale-house; but he was
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was "a poetic phenomenon that would have demolished contemporary poetic orthodoxies had it been publishable. The mad individual presented a gross distortion of the human form that nevertheless insisted on remaining human, but mad language could be even more disturbing."
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There is little information about Smart's condition during his stay at St Luke's, possibly because Battie's denied his patients from being visited, including by their own family members. One of the few records that survive of Smart's time at St Luke's was an entry in
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Regardless of Newbery's exact reasons, there is evidence suggesting that Newbery's admittance of Smart into the mental asylum was not based on madness. To have Smart admitted, Newbery probably provided a small bribe, although bribes were against St Luke's policy.
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suggests Smart's actions were a result of alcohol, and had nothing to do with a mental imbalance. However, Smart may have been imprisoned for embarrassing his father-in-law in some way, which could have resulted from an incident in which Smart drank.
344:. He was admitted to St Luke's on 6 May 1757 as a "Curable Patient". It is possible that Smart was confined at Newbery's behest over old debts and a poor relationship that existed between the two; Newbery had previously mocked Smart's immorality in
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reinforced this latter possibility when she claimed that Smart's "religious fervor" tended to coincide with times that Smart was intoxicated. Smart's own testimony that he "blessed God in St. James's Park till I routed all the company"
278:, Johnson claimed: "for poor Smart, while he was mad, not then knowing the terms on which he was engaged to write ... I hoped his wits would return to him. Mine returned to me, and I wrote in 'the Universal Visitor' no longer."
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inquired of his friend Johnson of Smart's state. Johnson used the term "madness" to comment on the state of society before explaining to Burney that Smart's actions that were deemed symptoms of madness were actually reasonable:
72:, the poems considered to be his greatest works. Although many of his contemporaries agreed that Smart was "mad", accounts of his condition and its ramifications varied, and some felt that he had been committed unfairly.
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Frances Anderson, in 1974 characterised Smart's "illness" as insanity and obsession, but believed that "Smart's madness consisted of his efforts to obey literally St Paul's injunction to the Thessalonians: 'Pray without
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In London, only a few of his works were still being published, but the proceeds were taken by Newbery. However, Smart did get to see published a collection of his work under the pseudonym "Mrs Midnight" titled
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Nevertheless, Ainsworth and Noyes were not completely sceptical about Smart's diagnosis when they continued: "But when the desire to pray struck him, Smart abandoned what the world chose to call rationality."
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After being released from St Luke's, Smart was taken to a private madhouse. Elizabeth LeNoir, Smart's daughter, was brought to see her father and stated that he was "committed by Mr Newbery to the care of a
512:'Mankind have a great aversion to intellectual labour; but even supposing knowledge to be easily attainable, more people would be content to be ignorant than would take even a little trouble to acquire it.'
770:. He embarrassed visitors by insisting on their joining him in his supplications ... Obsession with a fixed idea is a common form of insanity. But such obsessions are a mental imprisonment; whereas the
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Beyond Smart's circle of friends, few were willing to dismiss claims that Smart was affected by madness. Most contemporary literary critics knew of Smart's time in asylum and, upon publication of his
99:(not published until 1939), that critics reconsidered Smart's case and began to see him as a revolutionary poet, the possible target of a plot by his father-in-law, a publisher, to silence him.
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unusual image as evidence of madness than to interpret it. What could cause a fundamentally rational group of people to react so irrationally? To some degree, it was the fear of 'enthusiasm'.
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emphasised the problems of treating the hospitals as tourist attractions and the punitive measures taken against patients. The arguments of Battie and others resulted in the passage of the
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Accounts at the end of the 20th century focused on the effects of Smart's confinement. Clement Hawes, following Michel Foucault's interpretation of the 18th century that there was an
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is unmistakably the expression of a great release." Binyon's idea was picked up by Sophia Blaydes, in 1966, who pointed out that society was prejudiced against those who experienced
80:("Rejoice in the Lamb"). His asylum poetry reveals a desire for "unmediated revelation", and it is possible that the self-evaluation found in his poetry represents an expression of
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Twentieth-century critics favoured the view that Smart had some kind of mental distress when writing his poems. A review by "Mathews" titled "Thin Partitions", on 30 March 1901
253:: "For I blessed God in St James's Park till I routed all the company... For the officers of the peace are at variance with me, and the watchman smites me with his staff" (
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exhibited "noble wildness and transitions from grandeur to tenderness, from Earth to Heaven" and that it was "unique in our Poetry." Seven years after Palgrave, critic
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reason to expect his speedy Recovery And he being brought up and examined. Ordered. That he be discharged and that Notice be sent to his Securities to take him away.
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greater madness not to pray at all, than to pray as Smart did, I am afraid there are so many who do not pray, that their understanding is not called in question.
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207:, but even that provided little income. Having no other choices, Smart signed a 99-year-long contract in November 1755 to produce a weekly paper entitled
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In 1758, Battie and others argued that those deemed "mad" were abused under the British asylum system, and they pushed for parliamentary action. Battie's
719:, said, "The mind that composed this hymn was not deranged. Yet in the poem one sees the morbidly religious mind which, in disorder, was to produce the
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finest-before the advent of Blake ... Smart regained his senses, and therewith his hopeless inability to write poetry. And he never did anything after.
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felt "homeless" during his confinement and surely felt that he was in a "limbo... between public and private space" from being watched by outsiders.
547:, called attention to aspects of the poem which they could use to claim that Smart was still "mad". The view was widely held, and the poet
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B 90–91) as representing his religious madness is equally dismissed as resulting from drinking, as he was known for pulling pranks and the
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and his contemporaries considered his condition to be the source of his genius. It was not until the 20th century, with the rediscovery of
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marked the beginning of Smart's obsession with religion and eventual confinement for madness because he began praying "without ceasing".
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insane; these meetings began before Smart was ever put into asylum because he still contributed, although not as significantly, to the
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Modern critics, however, have a more cynical view of the 18th-century use of the term "madness" when diagnosing patients; psychiatrist
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During his time in asylum, Smart busied himself with a daily ritual of writing poetry; these lyric fragments eventually formed his
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was published on 6 April 1763. Harsh reviews followed which mocked Smart's time in the asylum instead of dealing with the poems.
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humanity". It was commonly held to be an incurable condition, and anyone who had it should be isolated from society. Physician
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172:. He eventually left the university in 1749 to devote his time to poetry. In 1750, Smart started to familiarise himself with
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In particular, Battie defined madness as "deluded imagination". However, he was criticized by other physicians, such as
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However, there are many that disagreed that Smart was mad; Edward Ainsworth and Charles Noyes, when discussing Smart's
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180:, a publisher. Soon after, Newbery began publishing Smart's works in various magazines and in collections, including
1964:
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1996:
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sided with Browning's and Mathew's interpretation and connected Smart's madness with poetic genius in his lecture
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Mrs. Midnight's Orations; and other Select Pieces: as they were spoken at the Oratory in the Hay-Market, London
1977:
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It was a century before a positive twist was put on Christopher Smart's time in asylum; the Victorian poet
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drinking could 'become a very common, tho' remoter cause of Madness.' Others differed: John Ball in his
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60:, although he may have been confined in a private madhouse before then. While in St Luke's he wrote
526:, Smart's acquaintance and Johnson's close friend, argued that in many aspects Smart appears sane:
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viewed the idea of madness as arbitrary and unnatural. Agreeing with Szasz's position, philosopher
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to fulfill Smart's contractual obligation to produce content for the magazine. The publication of
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Jacobs, Alan. "Diagnosing Christopher's Case: Smart's Readers and the Authority of Pentecost".
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than any other man; less so, perhaps, as he calmed every violent start of passion by prayer.
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For he will not do destruction, if he is well-fed, neither will he spit without provocation.
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Mania and Literary Style: The Rhetoric of Enthusiasm from the Ranters to Christopher Smart
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On 5 June 1756, Smart's father-in-law Newbery published, without permission, Smart's
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Late 18th-century critics felt that Smart's madness justified them in ignoring his
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For he has the subtlety and hissing of a serpent, which in goodness he suppresses.
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For he counteracts the powers of darkness by his electrical skin and glaring eyes.
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1879:. Ed. Marcus Walsh and Karina Williamson. Oxford: Clarendon, 1983. 472 pp.
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Christopher Hunter, Smart's biographer and nephew, described the situation:
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To Browning, Smart's temporary madness was what allowed him to compose in
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A Collection of Pretty Poems for the Amusement of Children six Foot High.
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1921:, Ed. P. Toynbee and L. Whibley Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1935.
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The Poetical Works of Christopher Smart, II: Religious Poetry 1763–1771
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not taken from him, and he neither raved nor sank into mental lethargy.
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For he counteracts the Devil, who is death, by brisking about the life.
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stayed in manuscript form and passed into the hands of the friends of
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paroxysms so violent and continued as to render confinement necessary.
1823:. Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1994.
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1988:
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Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason
1648:. Ed. Christopher Hibbert. New York: Penguin Classics, 1986.
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For he purrs in thankfulness, when God tells him he's a good Cat.
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For in his morning orisons he loves the sun and the sun loves him.
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For when his day's work is done his business more properly begins.
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211:, and the strain of writing caused Smart's health to deteriorate.
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had marked his earlier work and to write religious poetry such as
56:, London, on 6 May 1757. He was taken there by his father-in-law,
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1732:. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. xii, 241 pp.
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For he keeps the Lord's watch in the night against the adversary.
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A Form of Sound Words: The Religious Poetry of Christopher Smart
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During the 1740s, Smart published many poems while a student at
1992:
1865:. Ed. Karina Williamson. Oxford: Clarendon, 1980. 143 pp.
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emphasised the benefits of Smart's madness and claimed that
1802:. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2001. 342 pp.
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The Poetical Works of Christopher Smart, I: Jubilate Agno
1781:. Ed. Clement Hawes. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.
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Browning's remarks brought about a later appreciation of
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was great because Smart was mad at the time. In his poem
1690:. Devon: Northcote House Publishers, 2005. 128 pp.
1606:. New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc., 1974. 139 pp.
632:'Twixt thing and word, lit language straight from soul,—
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from May 1757 until January 1763. Smart was admitted to
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single line which indicates the power here displayed."
1935:. University Park: Penn State University Press, 1989.
1718:. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989. 312 pp.
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instrument, because I am more unguarded than others" (
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Christopher Smart: A Biographical and Critical Study
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Beyond Bedlam: Poems Written Out of Mental Distress
1795:. Volume LX. London: Oxford University Press, 1901.
1630:Binyon, Laurence. "The Case of Christopher Smart".
625:. Christopher Smart, as Browning's poem continued,
455:Upon leaving asylum, Smart took the manuscripts of
1760:. Senate House: Liverpool University Press, 1998.
1592:. Columbia: University of Missouri, 1943. 164 pp.
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2088:The Parables of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ
1893:. London: Anvil Press Poetry, 1997. 160 pp.
1777:Keymer, Thomas. "Johnson, Madness, and Smart" in
1676:. London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1887. 268 pp.
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1704:trans. Richard Howard, London: Routledge, 1989.
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404:For the Cherub Cat is a term of the Angel Tiger.
184:(1752). Of these works, Smart was known for his
1851:Michigan State University Press, 1967. 303 pp.
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27:The poet's institutional confinement, 1757–1763
2210:History of mental health in the United Kingdom
2004:
1849:Christopher Smart: Scholar of the University.
1837:. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998.
1758:Patterns of Madness in the Eighteenth Century
233:Smart's behaviour was probably influenced by
8:
666:poem of the last century." Two years later,
646:and Smart's madness. A review of Browning's
585:And sane at starting: all at once the ground
582:Your case, my Christopher? The man was sound
535:he seem more likely to fall into a state of
340:Few details are known about Smart's time at
209:The Universal Visiter or Monthly Memorialist
1660:Some Reflections on Genius and Other Essays
670:continued the theme when he wrote that the
131:Remarks on Dr. Battie's Treatise on Madness
18:Christopher Smart's asylum confinement
2030:
2011:
1997:
1989:
1889:Smith, Ken and Sweeny, Matthew (editors).
1772:Renascence: Essays on Values in Literature
727:. Additionally, they claimed that Smart's
603:The flame-robe, and the untransfigured man
579:Armed with this instance, have I diagnosed
1835:Romantic Poets, Critics, and Other Madmen
1588:Ainsworth, Edward G. and Noyes, Charles.
766:literal interpretation of the injunction
635:Left no fine film-flake on the naked coal
144:(1774), but were too late to help Smart.
117:as criminals or nuisances to the society.
1479:
1477:
597:To linger;—let earth understand too well
1917:Toynebee, P. and Whibley, L. (editors)
1779:Christopher Smart and the Enlightenment
1744:The Poems of the late Christopher Smart
816:
600:How heaven at need can operate—off fell
477:Rejoice in the Lamb: A Song from Bedlam
1774:50, 3–4 (Spring-Summer 1998): 183–204.
609:So did he end nor alter pace, not he!
321:
176:, London's writing district, and met
7:
142:Act for Regulating Private Madhouses
2074:Hymns for the Amusement of Children
459:, many translations of Psalms, and
379:For I will consider my Cat Jeoffry.
91:, but during the following century
744:diagnosed Smart as suffering from
274:. In joking about writing for the
239:First Epistle to the Thessalonians
25:
2155:
1412:Treasury of Minor British Poetry
1328:Toynebee and Whibley 1935 p. 802
723:, and, with order restored, the
402:For he is of the tribe of Tiger.
112:—who later treated Smart—wrote:
1800:Christopher Smart: Clown of God
651:time 'burnt and purged away'."
419:, Fragment B Lines 695, 717–726
342:St Luke's Hospital for Lunatics
322:St Luke's Hospital for Lunatics
50:St Luke's Hospital for Lunatics
1791:Mathews. "Thin Partitions" in
1674:Parleyings with Certain People
1459:Ainsworth and Noyes 1943 p. 87
1068:Ainsworth and Noyes 1943 p. 90
606:Resumed sobriety,—as he began,
241:to "Pray without ceasing" and
1:
1919:Correspondence of Thomas Gray
1812:Piozzi, Hester. "Piozziana".
1292:Mounsey 2001 pp. 239, 247–256
710:The Name and Nature of Poetry
683:20th century and contemporary
516:In an article printed in the
487:Samuel Johnson's biographer
44:(1722–1771) was confined to
1955:of St Luke's exterior, 1831
1423:Smith and Sweeny 1997 p. 15
1158:Smith and Sweeny 1997 p. 14
823:Smith and Sweeny 1997 p. 16
170:Pembroke College, Cambridge
2236:
2136:Poems on Several Occasions
1972:HTML edition by Ray Davis.
1933:Madness & Blake's Myth
1905:The Manufacture of Madness
1646:The Life of Samuel Johnson
1441:Youngquist 1989 qtd. p. 47
617:poetry similar to that of
575:(1887), Browning claimed:
182:Poems on Several Occasions
2153:
2067:Hymns and Spiritual Songs
2061:Hymn to the Supreme Being
1907:. London: Paladin, 1972.
759:Modern Practice of Physic
717:Hymn to the Supreme Being
588:Gave way beneath his step
228:Hymn to the Supreme Being
216:Hymn to the Supreme Being
1662:. London: Pitman, 1960.
1634:No. 90 (December 1934).
1283:Mounsey 2001 pp. 239–246
1117:Mounsey 2001 pp. 202–204
594:Then—as heaven were loth
491:described a moment when
372:
222:, began to write in the
1984:. Public Domain Review.
1632:The English Association
1410:Collins, John Churton.
1399:Treasury of Sacred Song
1379:19 February 1887 p. 248
999:Anderson 1974 pp. 36–37
886:Foucault 1989 pp. 38–64
868:Keymer 2003 pp. 184–185
336:written while in asylum
2220:1760s in Great Britain
2215:1750s in Great Britain
2132:Mrs Midnight's Oratory
1821:Dionysus in Literature
1483:Brain 1960 pp. 113–122
1414:. London, 1896. p. 395
1319:Boswell 1986 pp. 97–98
1050:Hunter 1791 pp. xx–xxi
785:
763:
734:
702:
656:Dante Gabriel Rossetti
654:The 19th-century poet
541:
514:
503:
412:
366:
337:
267:
119:
37:
2205:History of psychiatry
1978:"Christopher Smart's
1961:of the interior, 1809
1742:Hunter, Christopher.
1602:Anderson, Frances E.
1397:Palgrave, Francis T.
877:Szasz 1972 pp. xv–xvi
740:In 1960, neurologist
355:St Luke's Minute Book
329:
35:
2200:Health by individual
1875:Smart, Christopher.
1861:Smart, Christopher.
1816:CLXXXVI (July 1849).
1814:Gentleman's Magazine
1401:London, 1889. p. 350
1358:Browning 1887, p. 86
768:Pray without ceasing
676:John Churton Collins
662:was "the only great
638:Live from the censer
519:Gentleman's Magazine
373:Mr Potter's madhouse
293:Board of Green Cloth
247:The Spirit of Prayer
197:, and his mock epic
188:-winning poems, his
1618:Treatise on Madness
1549:Anderson 1974 p. 38
1432:Mathews 1974 p. 280
1349:Browning 1887 p. 84
1301:Anderson 1974 p. 70
1220:Mounsey 2001 p. 208
1206:Mounsey 2001 p. 210
1194:Mounsey 2001 p. 181
1140:Mounsey 2001 p. 239
1105:Mounsey 2001 p. 201
1093:Mounsey 2001 p. 200
1020:Anderson 1974 p. 37
954:Mounsey 2001 p. 207
940:Mounsey 2001 p. 206
928:Mounsey 2001 p. 204
916:Mounsey 2001 p. 205
859:Mounsey 2001 p. 209
138:Treatise on Madness
2172:Asylum confinement
1931:Youngquist, Paul.
1819:Rieger, Branimir.
1700:Foucault, Michel.
1672:Browning, Robert.
1492:Sherbo 1967 p. 115
1450:Rieger 1994 p. 120
1340:Jacobs 1998 p. 193
1274:Sherbo 1967 p. 164
1262:Sherbo 1967 p. 167
1241:Sherbo 1967 p. 133
1232:Sherbo qtd. p. 122
1185:Sherbo 1967 p. 112
1126:Sherbo 1967 p. 135
1077:Keymer 1999 p. 188
1008:Curry 2005 pp. 6–7
981:Sherbo pp. 102–104
907:Keymer 2003 p. 183
895:Foucault 1989 p. 6
832:Keymer 2003 p. 144
629:pierced the screen
338:
237:'s command in the
38:
2195:Christopher Smart
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2020:Christopher Smart
1746:. Reading, 1791.
1688:Christopher Smart
1616:Battie, William.
1604:Christopher Smart
1567:Hawes 1996 p. 161
1558:Rosen 1998 p. 122
1519:Blaydes pp. 51–53
1388:Smart 1983 p. 103
1367:Smart 1983 p. 101
1310:Hawes 1996 p. 177
1250:Hawes 1996 p. 155
1176:Hawes 1996 p. 141
1167:Hawes 1996 p. 140
1149:Guest 1989 p. 123
1059:Hunter 1791 p. xx
1032:Piozzi 1849 p. 24
963:Sherbo pp. 22–100
841:Battie 1758 p. 93
276:Universal Visiter
272:Universal Visiter
224:Universal Visiter
42:Christopher Smart
40:The English poet
36:Christopher Smart
16:(Redirected from
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1847:Sherbo, Arthur.
1833:Rosen, Charles.
1798:Mounsey, Chris.
1728:Hawes, Clement.
1714:Guest, Harriet.
1658:Brain, Russell,
1644:Boswell, James.
1620:. London, 1758.
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566:
558:
556:
554:
550:
549:William Mason
546:
540:
538:
533:
527:
525:
524:Hester Piozzi
521:
520:
513:
510:
502:
497:
494:
490:
489:James Boswell
482:
480:
478:
474:
470:
469:Jubilate Agno
466:
462:
461:Jubilate Agno
458:
453:
446:
444:
442:
436:
433:
432:Jubilate Agno
428:
421:
418:
417:Jubilate Agno
411:
385:
384:
383:
382:
381:
370:
365:
358:
356:
350:
347:
343:
335:
334:
333:Jubilate Agno
328:
319:
317:
316:
311:
310:
309:Jubilate Agno
304:
302:
301:Jubilate Agno
296:
294:
290:
289:Jubilate Agno
285:
284:Hester Thrale
279:
277:
273:
266:
261:
258:
256:
255:Jubilate Agno
252:
251:Jubilate Agno
248:
244:
240:
236:
231:
229:
225:
221:
217:
212:
210:
206:
202:
201:
196:
195:
191:
190:pastoral poem
187:
183:
179:
175:
171:
163:
161:
157:
154:
150:
145:
143:
139:
134:
132:
128:
124:
118:
113:
111:
102:
100:
98:
97:Jubilate Agno
94:
90:
85:
83:
79:
78:Jubilate Agno
73:
71:
70:
65:
64:
63:Jubilate Agno
59:
55:
51:
47:
43:
34:
30:
19:
2182:
2141:
2135:
2125:
2118:
2111:
2105:Misc. poetry
2093:
2086:
2079:
2072:
2065:
2060:
2053:
2047:
2040:
1979:
1932:
1918:
1904:
1890:
1876:
1862:
1848:
1834:
1820:
1813:
1799:
1792:
1778:
1771:
1757:
1743:
1729:
1715:
1701:
1687:
1673:
1659:
1645:
1631:
1617:
1603:
1589:
1572:
1563:
1554:
1533:
1524:
1515:
1506:
1497:
1488:
1455:
1446:
1437:
1428:
1419:
1411:
1406:
1398:
1393:
1384:
1376:
1372:
1363:
1354:
1345:
1324:
1315:
1306:
1297:
1288:
1279:
1246:
1237:
1190:
1181:
1172:
1163:
1154:
1145:
1122:
1073:
1064:
1055:
1046:
1037:
1004:
995:
986:
977:
968:
959:
912:
891:
882:
873:
864:
837:
828:
819:
804:
798:
790:
786:
781:
771:
767:
764:
758:
755:
739:
735:
730:
724:
720:
716:
714:
709:
703:
697:
694:
688:
686:
671:
664:accomplished
663:
659:
653:
647:
643:
641:
614:
612:
572:
568:
567:argued that
562:
559:19th century
544:
542:
536:
531:
529:
517:
515:
508:
505:
499:
486:
476:
468:
464:
460:
456:
454:
450:
440:
437:
431:
426:
423:
416:
413:
391:
378:
367:
360:
354:
351:
345:
339:
331:
330:A page from
313:
307:
305:
300:
297:
288:
280:
275:
271:
268:
263:
259:
254:
250:
246:
232:
227:
223:
215:
213:
208:
198:
192:
181:
178:John Newbery
167:
158:
149:Thomas Szasz
146:
137:
135:
130:
120:
115:
106:
96:
88:
86:
77:
74:
67:
61:
58:John Newbery
39:
29:
2120:The Hilliad
1976:Frank Key.
1793:The Academy
746:cyclothymia
689:The Academy
619:John Milton
553:Thomas Gray
537:distraction
361:12 May 1758
243:William Law
200:The Hilliad
174:Grub Street
82:evangelical
2189:Categories
1583:References
776:enthusiasm
623:John Keats
573:Parleyings
257:B 90–91).
123:John Monro
103:Background
2055:Abimelech
1927:310472708
1626:181708957
1598:217192259
1377:Athenaeum
704:In 1933,
648:Parleying
591:* * * * *
551:wrote to
530:In every
427:Mr Potter
386:* * * * *
129:. In his
2165:See also
1752:78233305
792:ceasing.
483:Analysis
415:Smart's
1640:1903700
509:carried
447:Release
235:St Paul
2144:(1763)
2138:(1752)
2049:Hannah
1939:
1925:
1911:
1897:
1883:
1869:
1857:358625
1855:
1841:
1827:
1806:
1785:
1764:
1750:
1736:
1722:
1708:
1694:
1682:758148
1680:
1668:217570
1666:
1652:
1638:
1624:
1610:
1596:
205:Horace
164:Asylum
2142:Poems
2027:Works
1959:Print
1953:Print
1913:57487
812:Notes
532:other
2052:and
1937:ISBN
1923:OCLC
1909:OCLC
1895:ISBN
1881:ISBN
1867:ISBN
1853:OCLC
1839:ISBN
1825:ISBN
1804:ISBN
1783:ISBN
1762:ISBN
1748:OCLC
1734:ISBN
1720:ISBN
1706:ISBN
1692:ISBN
1678:OCLC
1664:OCLC
1650:ISBN
1636:OCLC
1622:OCLC
1608:ISBN
1594:OCLC
772:Song
672:Song
621:and
312:and
66:and
748:or
698:the
245:'s
2191::
1542:^
1476:^
1464:^
1333:^
1267:^
1255:^
1225:^
1211:^
1199:^
1131:^
1110:^
1098:^
1082:^
1025:^
1013:^
945:^
933:^
921:^
900:^
846:^
522:,
479:.
463:.
303:.
52:,
2012:e
2005:t
1998:v
1982:"
801:"
794:'
287:(
20:)
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