602:(also N-ellipsis, N'-ellipsis, NP-ellipsis, NPE, ellipsis in the DP) occurs when the noun and potentially accompanying modifiers are omitted from a noun phrase. Nominal ellipsis occurs with a limited set of determinatives in English (cardinal and ordinal numbers and possessive determiners), though it is much freer in other languages. The following examples illustrate nominal ellipsis with cardinal and ordinal numbers:
267:. Many linguists take stripping to be a particular manifestation of gapping whereby just one remnant appears in the gapped clause instead of the two (or more) that occur in instances of gapping. The fact that stripping is limited to occurring in coordinate structures is the main reason why stripping is integrated into the analysis of gapping:
543:
usually elides everything from a direct or indirect question except the question word. It is a frequent type of ellipsis that appears to occur in most if not all languages. It can operate both forwards and backwards like VP-ellipsis, but unlike gapping, stripping, answer fragments, and pseudogapping,
415:
to be a particular manifestation of VP-ellipsis (rather than a variation on gapping). Like VP-ellipsis, pseudogapping is introduced by an auxiliary verb. Pseudogapping differs from VP-ellipsis, however, insofar as the elided VP is not entirely gone, but rather one (or more) remnants of the VP appear,
821:
Ellipsis is widely studied in theoretical literature, with studies focusing especially on the mental representation of elided material, the conditions which license ellipsis, and the means by which the elided material is recovered. One challenge to theoretical accounts of ellipsis comes from cases
173:
in the sense of being derived by one and the same mechanism. Ellipsis-based accounts have been given for other syntaxes, and some of the above have been analyzed in other ways. Most experts would agree, however, that most of the above items are in fact ellipses, so the discussion below takes their
834:
operations to explain such cases. These movement rules raise non-elided material out of a constituent, allowing ellipsis to apply only to the material that is left, thus creating the illusion of ellipsis applying to a non-constituent. Some alternative analyses assume more flexible conceptions of
112:
is elided in this sentence is up to the speaker and to communicative aspects of the situational context in which the sentence is uttered. This optionality is a clear indication of ellipsis. At other times, however, ellipsis seems to be obligatory, for instance with cases of comparative deletion,
251:
While these two sentences again each have two remnants, the gapped material is no longer continuous. There are in a sense two gaps in each of the gapped clauses. Gapping has been thoroughly studied, and it is therefore reasonably well understood, although the theoretical analyses can vary
781:
Of the various ellipsis mechanisms, null complement anaphora is the least studied. In this regard, its status as ellipsis is a point of debate, since its behavior is not consistent with the behavior of many of the other ellipsis mechanisms.
727:
Null complement anaphora elides a complete complement, whereby the elided complement is a finite clause, infinitive phrase, or prepositional phrase. The verbal predicates that can license null complement anaphora form a limited set (e.g.,
338:-stripping's status as a form of ellipsis can be debated, since the non-elliptical versions of these sentences are unacceptable, and the key trait of ellipsis is that both the elliptical and non-elliptical versions are acceptable.
290:
These examples illustrate that stripping is flexible insofar as the remnant in the stripped clause is not limited in function; it can, for instance, be a subject as in the first sentence or an object as in the second sentence.
949:Ăgel, Vilmos, Ludwig Eichinger, Hans-Werner Eroms, Peter Hellwig, Hans JĂŒrgen Heringer, and Henning Lobin (eds.) 2003/6. Dependency and Valency: An international handbook of contemporary research. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
192:
occurs in coordinate structures. Redundant material that is present in the immediately preceding clause can be "gapped". This gapped material usually contains a finite verb. Canonical cases have a true "gap" insofar as a
590:
Sluicing has been studied intensely in the past decade and can be viewed as a relatively well-understood ellipsis mechanism, although the theoretical analysis of certain aspects of sluicing remains controversial.
952:
Johnson, Kyle 2001. What VP ellipsis can do, and what it can't, but not why. In The handbook of contemporary syntactic theory, ed. Mark Baltin and Chris
Collins, 439â479. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
439:
Pseudogapping is more restricted in distribution than VP-ellipsis. For instance, it can hardly occur backwards, i.e., the ellipsis can hardly precede its antecedent. Further examples:
705:
Comparative deletion is different from many of the other optional ellipsis mechanisms insofar as it is obligatory. The non-elliptical versions of these sentences are unacceptable.
380:
An aspect of VP-ellipsis that is unlike gapping and stripping is that it can occur forwards or backwards. That is, the ellipsis can precede or follow its antecedent, e.g.:
97:
has been applied to a range of syntax in which a perceived interpretation is fuller than that which would be expected based solely on the presence of linguistic forms.
125:). The obligatory occurrence of ellipsis complicates the analysis, since one can argue that obligatory cases are not really instances of ellipsis at all, but rather a
177:
The example sentences below employ the convention whereby the elided material is indicated with subscripts and smaller font size. All examples given below come from
567:
The sluicing illustrated with these two sentences has occurred in indirect questions. Sluicing in direct questions is illustrated with the following two examples:
715:
appears to use comparative deletion, but ends up with a meaningless comparison if the apparent elision is included: "More people have been to Russia than I have
532:
Answer ellipsis occurs in most, if not all, languages, and is a very frequent type of ellipsis that is omnipresent in everyday communication between speakers.
1699:
486:
etc.). The corresponding answer provides the missing information and in so doing, the redundant information that appeared in the question is elided, e.g.:
998:
129:
pro-form is involved. These aspects of the theory should be kept in mind when considering the various types and instances of ellipsis enumerated below.
1472:
970:
Osborne, Timothy and Thomas GroĂ 2012. Constructions are catenae: Construction
Grammar meets Dependency Grammar. Cognitive Linguistics 23, 1: 163â214.
964:
Lobeck, Anne. 2006. Ellipsis in DP. In The
Blackwell Companion to Syntax, ed. by Martin Everaert et al., vol. 2, pp. 145â173. Oxford: Blackwell.
509:
The fragment answers in these two sentences are verb arguments (subject and object NPs). The fragment can also correspond to an adjunct, e.g.:
955:
Lappin, Shalom 1996. The interpretation of ellipsis. In The handbook of contemporary semantic theory, ed. Shalom Lappin. Oxford: Blackwell.
1340:
1007:
89:: in particular, how the usual mechanisms of grasping a meaning from a form may be bypassed or supplanted via elliptical structures. In
220:
While canonical cases have medial gaps as in these two sentences, the gap need not be medial, and it can even be discontinuous, e.g.:
100:
One trait that many types and instances of ellipsis have in common is that the appearance of ellipsis is optional. The occurrence of
973:
Sag, Ivan 1976. Deletion and logical form. Doctoral
Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
1684:
403:
Of the various ellipsis mechanisms, VP-ellipsis has probably been studied the most and is therefore relatively well-understood.
1427:
1081:
1548:
1422:
991:
967:
Merchant, Jason. 2001. The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
1200:
1021:
927:
See for instance
Johnson 2008 for an ATB-movement account of gapping and Merchant 2001 for a movement account of sluicing.
1086:
416:
giving it the outward appearance of gapping. Pseudogapping occurs frequently in comparative and contrastive contexts:
1174:
137:
There are numerous widely acknowledged types of ellipsis. They include, as mentioned and briefly illustrated below:
1689:
1568:
1230:
1051:
1573:
1523:
1285:
984:
858:
823:
1628:
1492:
1071:
827:
936:
See
Osborne and GroĂ 2012 or the collection of essays on dependency and valency grammar in Ăgel et al. 2003/6.
790:
Further instances of ellipsis that do not (in a clear way) qualify as any of the ellipsis types listed above:
839:, thus allowing ellipsis to directly target non-constituents without the need for additional movement rules.
1623:
1169:
260:
1653:
1325:
1295:
1270:
1210:
1109:
1041:
848:
90:
35:
1553:
1447:
1412:
1300:
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1119:
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470:
involves question-answer pairs. The question focuses on an unknown piece of information, often using an
58:
349:(also VP-ellipsis or VPE) is a particularly frequent form of ellipsis in English. VP-ellipsis elides a
73:
factors, the means by which the elided elements are recovered, and the status of the elided elements.
1538:
1345:
1124:
961:. 1995. Ellipsis: Functional heads, licensing, and identification. New York: Oxford University Press.
836:
346:
101:
1618:
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1335:
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1144:
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62:
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868:
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More work on ellipsis may need to be done before all ellipsis mechanisms are fully explained.
181:
though similar patterns arise cross-linguistically, with variation from language to language.
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1245:
178:
1694:
1457:
1360:
1255:
1220:
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61:
of the remaining elements. There are numerous distinct types of ellipsis acknowledged in
19:
This article is about the practice of omitting words. For the punctuation mark (âŠ), see
1638:
1633:
1558:
1442:
1320:
1215:
1056:
976:
1678:
1330:
1305:
1139:
873:
657:
in
English. The expression that is elided corresponds to a comparative morph such as
625:
The following two sentences illustrate nominal ellipsis with possessive determiners:
599:
412:
170:
169:
Among experts, there is no unanimity that all of the abovementioned syntaxes form a
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1385:
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1149:
1129:
1513:
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82:
27:
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1026:
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1280:
1205:
1184:
1114:
1066:
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353:
VP. The ellipsis must be introduced by an auxiliary verb or by the particle
86:
66:
1375:
1164:
540:
70:
20:
189:
906:
826:. Since syntactic operations can only target constituents in standard
50:
830:
approaches, accounts within these frameworks must posit additional
1240:
54:
980:
771:
They offered two ways to spend the day, but I couldn't decide
197:
appears to the left and to the right of the elided material.
115:*More girls were there today than girls were there yesterday
16:
Omission of some words that are understood in the context
608:
Fred did three onerous tasks because Susan had done two
65:. Theoretical accounts of ellipsis seek to explain its
757:
Q: Do you approve of the plan? A: No, I don't approve
452:
They could read this book more easily than they could
653:
Comparative deletion occurs in clauses introduced by
422:
They have been eating the apples more than they have
123:
More girls were there today than were there yesterday
1611:
1501:
1405:
1398:
1193:
1102:
1095:
1014:
580:A: He has been working on the problem. B: How long
108:. Whether or not the second occurrence of the verb
822:where the elided material does not appear to be a
750:Q: Do you know what happened? A: No, I don't know
744:). The elided complement cannot be a noun phrase.
81:Varieties of ellipsis have long formed a basis of
1473:Segmented discourse representation theory (SDRT)
695:William has friends in more countries than you
550:John can play something, but I donât know what
499:Q: What have you been trying to accomplish? A:
992:
918:See for instance Lobeck 1995 and Lappin 1996.
713:"More people have been to Russia than I have"
445:Would you want to say that to me, or would I
294:A particularly frequent type of stripping is
226:She persuaded him to do the homework, and he
8:
492:Q: Who has been hiding the truth? A: Billy
429:I will feed the chickens today if you will
386:The man who wanted to order the salmon did
370:He has done it before, which means he will
1402:
1099:
999:
985:
977:
678:She ordered more beer than we could drink
522:Q: Why has the campaign been so crazy? A:
638:If Doris tries my chili, I will try hers
631:I heard Mary's dog, and you heard Bill's
298:-stripping (stripping in the presence of
174:status as ellipses largely for granted.
104:, for instance, is often optional, e.g.
57:that are nevertheless understood in the
890:
764:They told Bill to help, but he refused
685:Doris looks more satisfied than Doreen
573:A: Something unusual happened. B: What
210:Fred took a picture of you, and Susan
106:He will help, and she will (help), too
1428:Discourse representation theory (DRT)
671:More people arrived than we expected
7:
1700:Formal semantics (natural language)
1341:Quantificational variability effect
1008:Formal semantics (natural language)
363:John can play the guitar; Mary can
273:John can play the guitar, and Mary
203:John can play the guitar, and Mary
582:has he been working on the problem
515:Q: When does the circus start? A:
121:must be omitted in this sentence (
85:that addresses basic questions of
14:
280:Sam has attempted problem 1, and
897:See Lobeck 2006 for an overview.
665:in the antecedent clause, e.g.:
561:, but John will definitely call.
501:I have been trying to accomplish
615:The first train and the second
1423:Combinatory categorial grammar
796:A: The cat likes Bill. B: Why
786:Less-studied cases of ellipsis
524:The campaign has been so crazy
1:
1201:Antecedent-contained deletion
835:syntactic units such as the
909:at Tameri Guide for Writers
321:Sally is working on Monday,
117:. The second occurrence of
87:formâmeaning correspondence
1723:
1082:Syntaxâsemantics interface
18:
1574:Question under discussion
1524:Conversational scoreboard
1301:Intersective modification
1286:Homogeneity (linguistics)
859:Question under discussion
697:have friends in countries
526:Due to the personalities.
494:has been hiding the truth
1629:Distributional semantics
723:Null complement anaphora
165:Null complement anaphora
45: 'omission') or an
1685:Syntactic relationships
1624:Computational semantics
1366:Subsective modification
1170:Propositional attitudes
807:if I miss the deadline?
49:is the omission from a
47:elliptical construction
1654:Philosophy of language
1296:Inalienable possession
1276:Free choice inferences
1271:Faultless disagreement
1042:Generalized quantifier
849:Anaphora (linguistics)
817:Theoretical approaches
393:The man who wanted to
265:bare argument ellipsis
237:Should I call you, or
91:generative linguistics
1554:Plural quantification
1448:Inquisitive semantics
1413:Alternative semantics
397:did order the salmon.
308:Sam did it, not Fred
1539:Function application
1346:Responsive predicate
1336:Privative adjectives
649:Comparative deletion
503:This damn crossword.
411:Many linguists take
347:Verb phrase ellipsis
342:Verb phrase ellipsis
162:Comparative deletion
147:Verb phrase ellipsis
1619:Cognitive semantics
1534:Existential closure
1478:Situation semantics
1381:Temperature paradox
1351:Rising declaratives
1316:Modal subordination
1291:Hurford disjunction
1251:Discourse relations
907:Phrases and clauses
673:people would arrive
275:can play the guitar
1664:Semantics of logic
1589:Strict conditional
1564:Quantifier raising
1529:Downward entailing
1509:Autonomy of syntax
1438:Generative grammar
1418:Categorial grammar
1356:Scalar implicature
1261:Epistemic modality
1236:De dicto and de re
864:Right node raising
798:does the cat like
557:I don't know when
472:interrogative word
284:problem 2 as well.
232:to do the homework
63:theoretical syntax
1690:Generative syntax
1672:
1671:
1644:Logic translation
1607:
1606:
1599:Universal grinder
1584:Squiggle operator
1544:Meaning postulate
1483:Supervaluationism
1453:Intensional logic
1433:Dynamic semantics
1394:
1393:
1226:Crossover effects
1175:Tenseâaspectâmood
1155:Lexical semantics
869:Squiggle operator
828:phrase-structural
517:The circus starts
431:feed the chickens
318:
263:is also known as
83:linguistic theory
1712:
1649:Linguistics wars
1579:Semantic parsing
1468:Montague grammar
1403:
1246:Deontic modality
1100:
1087:Truth conditions
1022:Compositionality
1015:Central concepts
1001:
994:
987:
978:
937:
934:
928:
925:
919:
916:
910:
904:
898:
895:
595:Nominal ellipsis
447:want to say that
395:order the salmon
388:order the salmon
313:
282:he has attempted
159:Nominal ellipsis
1722:
1721:
1715:
1714:
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1675:
1674:
1673:
1668:
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1497:
1458:Lambda calculus
1390:
1361:Sloppy identity
1321:Opaque contexts
1256:Donkey anaphora
1221:Counterfactuals
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710:Escher sentence
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468:Answer ellipsis
465:
463:Answer ellipsis
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365:play the guitar
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328:
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252:significantly.
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53:of one or more
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1559:Possible world
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1443:Glue semantics
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1326:Performatives
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1306:Logophoricity
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1140:Evidentiality
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874:Whiz deletion
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752:what happened
749:
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629:
628:
627:
626:
619:have arrived.
614:
610:onerous tasks
607:
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605:
604:
603:
601:
600:Noun ellipsis
594:
592:
579:
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413:pseudogapping
407:Pseudogapping
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172:
171:natural class
164:
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150:Pseudogapping
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56:
52:
48:
44:
40:
37:
36:Ancient Greek
33:
29:
22:
1594:Type shifter
1569:Quantization
1519:Continuation
1386:Veridicality
1266:Exhaustivity
1231:Cumulativity
1150:Indexicality
1130:Definiteness
1125:Conditionals
1052:Logical form
959:Lobeck, Anne
944:Bibliography
943:
942:
932:
923:
914:
902:
893:
884:
883:
820:
812:
789:
780:
773:between them
741:
737:
733:
729:
726:
708:The classic
707:
704:
662:
658:
654:
652:
624:
598:
589:
566:
559:he will call
539:
531:
508:
483:
479:
475:
466:
438:
426:the oranges.
410:
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136:
122:
118:
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109:
105:
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94:
80:
46:
42:
39:
31:
25:
1514:Context set
1488:Type theory
1371:Subtrigging
1135:Disjunction
1062:Proposition
854:Aposiopesis
824:constituent
805:will happen
759:of the plan
640:(her chili)
552:he can play
424:been eating
207:the violin.
102:VP-ellipsis
93:, the term
43:(Ă©lleipsis)
28:linguistics
1679:Categories
1659:Pragmatics
1311:Mirativity
1077:Speech act
1032:Entailment
1027:Denotation
880:References
456:that book.
351:non-finite
327:working on
317:-Stripping
77:Background
34:(from
1463:Mereology
1399:Formalism
1281:Givenness
1206:Cataphora
1194:Phenomena
1185:Vagueness
1115:Ambiguity
1067:Reference
1047:Intension
1037:Extension
690:satisfied
519:Tomorrow.
433:tomorrow.
302:), e.g.:
261:Stripping
256:Stripping
228:persuaded
144:Stripping
67:syntactic
1612:See also
1502:Concepts
1376:Telicity
1211:Coercion
1165:Negation
1160:Modality
1110:Anaphora
843:See also
832:movement
575:happened
541:Sluicing
536:Sluicing
329:Tuesday.
205:can play
156:Sluicing
95:ellipsis
71:semantic
41:áŒÎ»Î»Î”ÎčÏÎčÏ
32:ellipsis
21:Ellipsis
1705:Grammar
1120:Binding
766:to help
734:approve
474:(e.g.,
449:to you?
277:, also.
195:remnant
190:Gapping
185:Gapping
179:English
141:Gapping
59:context
1695:Syntax
1549:Monads
1096:Topics
837:catena
742:decide
738:refuse
544:e.g.:
374:again.
367:, too.
323:she is
310:did it
239:should
214:of me.
113:e.g.,
51:clause
1241:De se
1145:Focus
1103:Areas
1072:Scope
885:Notes
803:What
800:Bill?
687:looks
617:train
372:do it
133:Types
119:girls
55:words
38:
730:know
680:beer
659:more
655:than
484:when
480:what
454:read
325:not
312:. -
243:call
241:you
230:her
127:null
110:help
69:and
1493:TTR
719:".
663:-er
661:or
633:dog
476:who
336:Not
315:not
300:not
296:not
245:me?
26:In
1681::
740:,
736:,
732:,
482:,
478:,
357:.
355:to
30:,
1000:e
993:t
986:v
775:.
768:.
761:.
754:.
699:.
692:.
682:.
675:.
642:.
635:.
612:.
584:?
577:?
554:.
496:.
390:.
234:.
23:.
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