823:. The problem of the value of cultural goods continues to be an important subject of reflection. While the neoclassical theory of value, determined solely by the match between supply and demand, accounts for the price of certain works of art, the measurement of the value of a work of art for society as a whole remains an open question. The role of the arts, culture and, more generally, cultural norms, which was at the heart of economic thinking on the arts and culture until the mid-twentieth century, has gradually been emancipated, becoming a sub-field of economics in its own right. On the other hand, the preoccupation with the public policies of the arts and culture remains a major subject within the field, to which contemporary approaches in terms of
331:
with the popularity that some of them achieve. Still, on the supply side, Smith cites artists as an example of professions that require skills that are costly to acquire, and whose pay therefore reflects that cost. This effect, he notes, is less for those (philosophers, poets) whose work enables them to achieve a respected social position, and stronger for those (actors, opera singers) whose scarcity of talent is accompanied by social condemnation of their type of career. However, he places them all in the category of 'unproductive' workers (who do not lead to
443:
of the French
Revolution and that of 1848, as well as by the continuing extension of the right to vote in the United Kingdom, Arnold considered that a more educated population, with a better conception of perfection and beauty, was less likely to indulge in the violent outbursts that marked the beginning of the nineteenth century. Here we find both an idea inherited from the Age of Enlightenment and a foreshadowing of later reflections on the conditions under which market allocation can work as well as the economists of the time thought.
249:, David Hume clearly distinguished between art, luxury, and vice. Noting that historically, periods of greater artistic vitality were also periods of economic growth, political freedom, and virtue, he put forward the idea that luxury provided a powerful incentive for economic activity that benefited everyone. Indeed, Hume argued, "innocent luxury" sharpens the capacities of the mind and provides an incentive to work in order to acquire it, thus avoiding idleness. What's more, he adds, the consumption of luxury goods produces positive
718:
Artists' Association) designed to provide a stable framework for artists prepared to abide by minimum rules in exchange for a more regular income and a guarantee of their creative freedom. In the private sector, one of their most important achievements was the
Contemporary Art Society, which functioned as a certification authority for contemporary artists to educate public taste and reassure potential buyers about the quality of their purchases. This role was taken up, and indeed considerably extended, with the founding after
651:
412:
583:
367:. Advocating respect for the allocative efficiency of the market structure highlighted by Smith, Bentham recommends intervening as little as possible in the results of this allocation, even in cases where Smith himself recommended intervention. Bentham was very suspicious of groups demanding public assistance and saw artists as a particularly visible and effective group in demanding preferential treatment. He also noted the regressive nature of public spending on the arts.
831:
remuneration remain the same, the tools of labor market analysis in terms of supply, demand, human capital, and asymmetric information are now used to answer them. The study of the economic consequences of legislative frameworks, in particular intellectual and artistic property, has taken on increasing importance in the economics of culture, under the influence of the economic analysis of law, a dimension rarely present in economic thought before
546:
enlightened members of the ruling class, in contrast to what he saw as a conspiracy to provide workers with only inferior cultural goods that did not contribute to their education in the fine arts. In this context, Jevons was one of the first economists to reflect on the role of museums in terms of popular education. He condemned the museums of his day, which lacked explanatory texts and were still often organized as vast cabinets of curiosities.
391:, which was clearly not the case for successful artists. Pointing to the existence of strong barriers to entry (technical training and talent), he explains how the most talented artists constitute a rare resource, which explains the extent of the rents they receive. For the same reasons of scarcity, he refutes Smith's idea that artistic work is unproductive, the payments themselves being a sign that wealth of some kind is being created.
171:
506:, for example, saw the arts as a means of alleviating the discomfort of city life for the working class from the countryside. Moreover, the main authors of the first marginalist generation were themselves great lovers of art, and although none of their works devotes a chapter to the subject in its own right, reflections on the theme are scattered throughout their works, with varying degrees of success.
403:
albeit talented ones, to make a living from their creative work, while a few received very large sums. So he wondered what could be done to ensure a more egalitarian distribution of artistic income, starting with mass education in the arts. In his view, the latter had the dual merit of contributing to the moral improvement of the population and creating a greater solvent demand for artists.
770:), the school of public choice strongly questions the ability of the institutions responsible for granting subsidies to do so efficiently and without capturing rents. At the same time, Becker's work provides a starting point for examining cultural consumption as the result of rational and maximizing behaviour, differing little from that which governs the consumption of all other goods.
835:. Finally, a large part of the contemporary cultural economics approach is to take account of the reputed particularism of the arts and culture by showing the extent to which the common tools of economics can be applied to account for the functioning of the corresponding markets, whether in terms of supply and demand, contractual relations within the various cultural industries or
510:
22:
275:. Using ancient Greece as an example, he noted that the development of the arts preceded that of the sciences. He established a link between spontaneous expressions of joy and dance, which in turn led to music, whose regularities encouraged the development of mathematics, and between poetry and the enrichment of language, which in turn led to philosophy.
258:
192:, which was also very much subject to the vagaries of geopolitics, which meant that attention was focused on ways of allocating resources to activities that produced food or strengthened the means of defence. As a result, cultural activities that detracted from production, defence or religion were generally viewed with suspicion, except by
628:, on the other hand, showed a sustained interest in the arts. As early as the 1960s, he tried to launch a seminar on the economics of the arts at Harvard, but met with rejection from artists, who saw it as a deviation from their activity, and a lack of interest from economists. In the chapter entitled "The Market and the Arts" in his book
750:, devoted to the economics of the performing arts, is widely regarded as the starting point for contemporary cultural economics, setting out a considerable research programme through a fairly pessimistic analysis of the sustainability of the performing arts. The interest shown in cultural consumption also owes much to the work of
94:) were individually sensitive to questions about the role of the arts in an industrialized economy. Reflection on the economic role of the arts and the economic conditions of their production thus came from intellectuals who integrated economic dimensions into an essentially political or aesthetic approach (
697:
also challenged the application of utilitarianism to the artistic experience. For them, aesthetic experience is fundamentally different from the satisfaction of a biological need and, by extension, from the consumption of an ordinary material good. While this challenge did not lead to the formulation
532:
was undoubtedly the person who wrote most about the role of the arts in the neo-classical program. An artist and aesthete himself, he saw in the arts the possibility of enriching the lives of the whole population. However, in his view, the artistic experience could not be planned. As a result, people
454:
functions (in other words, their preferences). Rather than a society of abundance, Ruskin advocated a more authoritarian society, in which educated people could train others to choose and appreciate quality goods. In the vanguard of these trainers of taste, Ruskin placed the artist and art critic and
370:
Poetry was one of
Bentham's main targets, preferring science and finding it of little social use. On several occasions, he expressed his astonishment and incomprehension at man's fascination with the arts, which in his view were only as valuable as the pleasure they gave, and failed to understand why
157:
Cultural economics is the branch of economics that studies the relation of culture to economic outcomes. Here, 'culture' is defined by shared beliefs and preferences of respective groups. Programmatic issues include whether and how much culture matters as to economic outcomes and what its relation is
802:
and David
Throsby. In the introduction to this work, David Throsby notes that the economics of culture currently makes extensive use of neoclassical tools for analysing demand and well-being, as well as tools for the macroeconomic evaluation of public policies. Concepts from public choice theory and
734:
Regardless of the calibre of economists interested in culture, until the second half of the twentieth century it was never at the heart of any research program. Rather, it was seen as a marginal theme, of little importance in relation to the problems posed by the crisis of the 1930s, and then by the
713:
Personally involved in the art markets, the members of the group noted that, contrary to the classical analysis, price did not seem to be the essential determinant of the supply of cultural goods, with authors feeling driven more by inner necessities than by the prospect of gain. On the demand side,
545:
by almost a century, Jevons described the artistic experience as an addictive consumption, separate in this sense from that of conventional goods. Although somewhat critical of the role of critics, Jevons believed that the cultural goods available to the working class should be carefully selected by
442:
put forward the idea that, far from being a matter of superfluity and leisure, the arts and culture were an essential means of warding off the dangers of antagonism between the growing population of workers and the owners of the means of production. Against a historical backdrop marked by the memory
351:
of the nineteenth century virtually ignored the subject of arts and culture. The challenge at the time was to gain recognition for economics as a science, and thus to express general laws with as few exceptions as possible. The Age of
Enlightenment's questions about the unique and exceptional nature
1418:
This argument states that public spending on the arts disproportionately benefits the already wealthiest section of the population, such as those who go to the opera. This spending is therefore regressive in the sense that it transfers wealth from the poorest to the richest. Since
Bentham, this has
609:
proceeds from a more complex conception of human behavior and seeks to relate it to the organization of the economy. As a result, we would expect to find arguments highlighting the special character of the arts and the organization of the production of cultural goods. This subject, however, was not
501:
make very little mention of the arts, except when they provide striking illustrations of a theory of value in which value is determined by demand. Unlike the previous generation, however, these economists were sensitive to the existence of beneficial externalities of the arts on society as a whole.
330:
formulation of conspicuous consumption. On the supply side, he notes that the greatest artists, though innovative, are always dissatisfied with their own work in terms of what they would like to produce. However, he balances this dissatisfaction against the risks of excessive self-esteem associated
402:
is based on production costs alone should fail to grasp the workings of art markets, where value resides not in the labor employed to produce the works, but in the works themselves. At the same time, however, Mill was concerned that the most common forms of remuneration did not allow most authors,
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revived the tone of seventeenth-century pamphlets. Seeing the works of the past essentially as a tool for the conspicuous consumption of the powerful of the day, he contrasts an aesthetic in which beauty is the expression of a generic or universal character with the pursuit of originality that is
278:
Like Hume, Turgot insisted on the necessity, both in art and in the rest of the economy, of competition between artists by means of a large market, which implies a large demand for second-rate works of art, from which masterpieces and great artists can emerge. He bases this idea on the difference
59:
Until then, the arts had an ambivalent image. They were morally condemned as expensive activities that offered little benefit to society and were associated with the sins of pride and laziness. If they had any merit, it was in their educational value, or in their ability to prevent the rich from
480:
movement. More reserved than the previous two about the possibilities of reform, Morris was also more radical in his political views. He believed that only collective ownership of the means of production could ensure a rich artistic output. Not always clearly explained, Morris went further than
717:
Keynes's intervention was decisive for them in terms of public policy in favor of the arts and culture. Members of the group became involved in concrete actions, as evidenced by Fry's numerous lectures. Above all, they initiated cooperative or associative structures (Hogarth Press, The London
830:
Similarly, the economics of artists' work constitutes a pivotal point between historical thought and the economics of modern culture: while the central questions of resource allocation posed by the contrast between the considerable earnings of a few stars and the modesty of average artistic
378:
Such views of
Bentham's, the emphasis placed only on the sectors designated as 'productive' by Smith, and the prejudices inherited from previous centuries largely explain the period's lack of interest in the economic analysis of the arts and culture. Some authors did, however, highlight the
701:
All the members of the group also shared a fascination for how the artistic representation of mythical events was revealed, and in their view perpetuated perceptions and conditioning that helped to shape political and economic decisions. In this way, they linked the importance given to the
434:
calls "the grocer's mind". In his view, the grocer's mind manifests itself in a love of order and material activity, and its corollary is a rejection of the arts. Beyond this rejection, their aim was to define the place of the arts and culture in an economy undergoing industrialization.
227:
Mandeville, for his part, also noted that an artist's reputation and the social position of his buyers had a major influence on the value placed on his work. To these determinants, he adds rarity, but also the conformity of the work to its model. In this, he agrees with Jean Bodin and
371:
the arts, based on fiction and the distortion of nature, could produce more pleasure than simple play or the pursuit of scientific knowledge. At most, he finds in the arts the merit of avoiding boredom and laziness, and of providing the powerful with an occupation other than war.
714:
Fry followed a similar approach to Keynes in distinguishing between the various types of motivation in the demand for works of art. Like Keynes too, they were in favor of public intervention to support artistic demand, but only once all private alternatives had been exhausted.
622:
characteristic of the dynamic of conspicuous consumption. In this way, he relegated the arts to the same rank as all non-productive activities designed to demonstrate an individual's wealth through his or her ability to waste resources on activities with no social value.
682:
Going against the implicit hierarchy of goods set out in marginalist works, the members of the group considered that cultural goods were not luxury goods, but one of the fundamentals of all human civilization. Arguing on the basis of the high artistic quality of the
302:
as models of patrons interested in art itself, and not in an ostentatious consumer dimension. On this last point, Turgot notes that when conspicuous consumption dominates, the effects of trends and technical virtuosity take priority over genuine artistic creativity.
549:
Although ardent defenders of consumer sovereignty, the marginalists nonetheless established a clear hierarchy of different goods and believed that the enrichment of populations naturally led them to consume cultural goods, once basic material comfort was assured.
374:
In his view, the quality of a work of art was purely a matter of individual taste, and the only thing to do was to stay out of it, leaving everyone to enjoy what they liked. He saw no point in the existence of critics, or in educating people in the arts.
803:
political economy also feature prominently in the study of policy design, while institutional economics is used to study the influence of production structures on behaviour. Relying on a literature review by Ruth Towse, he notes the influence of the
573:
nature of at least some major works, he also advocated public support for patronage. He admitted, however, that the tools of neo-classical economics at his disposal did not allow him to justify the exceptional treatment he demanded for the arts.
215:
However, both of these authors were interested in the problem of determining the price of works of art. For Bodin, the value of works of art or luxury items was essentially determined by demand, which in turn was linked to trends. Anticipating
429:
With political economy abandoning reflection on the role of culture in the economy and society, the subject was taken up by a group of humanist thinkers, poets, essayists, and artists themselves, united in a collective condemnation of what
679:. Although he did not personally devote any of his work to the economics of culture, it seems certain that his presence encouraged the other members of the group to think about the economic conditions of the production of cultural goods.
253:
for society as a whole. In economic terms, it sustains an activity that, if necessary, can be quickly converted to suit the needs of the moment. In political terms, he joins his predecessors in the idea that art nurtures civic virtues.
137:. Initially conceived as a crossroads between several disciplines, cultural economics has had a specialized journal since 1977, and achieved full academic recognition in 1993 with the publication of a literature review in the
634:, he explains this lack of interest by referring to the anachronistic nature of creative processes. Originating with individuals or small groups who were quite frankly individualistic, artistic creation, right up to
777:
in terms of economic activity and their share within the economy, as well as the need to evaluate public policies on the arts and culture, has fuelled interest in this work. A specialized international journal, the
765:
These various initial influences did not occur without tension between them. If, according to Baumol and Bowen, the performing arts have no future outside of heavily subsidised structures (this is a consequence of
326:, he considers that the essential reasons are tradition and the effects of trends, to which he adds pure emulation. His account of how wealthy people use works of art to flaunt their wealth may have influenced
128:
It was during the 1960s that the economics of culture emerged as a close disciplinary field, under the impetus of the work of Baumol and Bowen as well as work emanating from the analysis of addictive goods
1437:
Beredige personified the five main social problems that the welfare state had to remedy: Misery, Ignorance, Disease, Insalubrity and
Unemployment in his Report to Parliament on Social Security and Related
698:
of an alternative theory of cultural consumption, it did have the merit of highlighting a specificity of cultural goods that Anglo-Saxon thinkers had neglected since the end of the eighteenth century.
467:, took up Ruskin's opposition between a nineteenth-century of material abundance but artistic poverty and periods (Antiquity, the Middle Ages) of great material poverty but great artistic wealth.
811:
for the study of transaction costs and intellectual property problems. Finally, he notes that in the field of cultural economics, applications of industrial economics remain under-represented.
232:
that the fundamental value of art lies in its ability to highlight and exalt the true nature of its model and to educate viewers about virtue through its power to represent elevated feelings.
125:, which led to the United Kingdom setting up an institutional structure to support the arts (the British Arts Council), he did not directly devote any personal research work to the subject.
533:
who have not received an early education in the arts underestimate the pleasure they will derive from it, which results in too low a demand for artistic goods on their part. Anticipating
1465:
Baumol points out in the 1987 New
Palgrave Dictionary of Economics that cost disease, which affects many sectors, is not a sufficient justification for the existence of such structures.
212:, for whom the organisation of selfish passions is the driving force behind economic growth, only advises indulging in the arts as a means of avoiding other, more costly extravagances.
162:, the role of culture in economic behavior is increasingly being demonstrated to cause significant differentials in decision-making and the management and valuation of assets.
184:, second-third of the 17th century. In accordance with the custom of the time, the paintings are displayed frame against frame, filling the entire space from floor to ceiling.
754:
on addictive goods, of which cultural goods are a positive example, as well as to the work of Alan
Peacock, at the time director of the British Arts Council, and to that of
283:
paralyzed the English art market, which was based on ecclesiastical demand, without a wealthy merchant bourgeoisie being able to take up the slack, unlike in Flanders.
71:
helped to give a more positive image to cultural activities, presenting them as useful incentives for enrichment, and therefore for economic growth. For his part,
706:
in artistic representations to the belief that a catastrophe or revolution must necessarily precede any fundamental improvement in the human condition. From
75:
highlighted the particularities of the supply and demand of cultural goods, which were to form part of the basis of the cultural economics research program.
794:
Z1 (cultural economics) and Z11 (arts economics) into its classification. Two handbooks reviewing the state of the literature were then produced, first by
994:
117:
began to take an interest in these questions, but he failed to generate interest among both artists and his fellow economists. Similarly, although
819:
The panorama of the field of cultural economics as it is defined at the beginning of the 21st century can be seen in the table of contents of the
78:
Nineteenth-century economics sought to express general laws in the same way as the exact sciences. As a result, neither the authors of classical
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380:
271:
links inequalities in development between nations to differences in the way the arts and sciences are treated, thus anticipating the notion of
1578:
1556:
1303:
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459:. Seldom read by the economists of his time, Ruskin had a major influence on the Anglo-Saxon labor movement as a whole, particularly through
1675:
671:
While some of the authors before him had been enthusiastic art lovers, no renowned economist spent as much time in contact with artists as
557:
occupies a special place. An aspiring artist himself, he is best known for his work on behalf of Britain's major cultural institutions (
179:
1641:
1529:
The section of the handbook devoted to these subjects is the longest, and regulatory issues are also addressed in many other chapters.
1589:
86:
paid much attention to the specific features of the economics of culture in their research programs, even though several of them (
498:
553:
Among the neo-classicists active on the subject before cultural economics became a subdivision in its own right in the 1960s,
316:
139:
723:
204:, and as an expression of vices such as jealousy, envy, pride and lust, they were seen as something to be fought. So when
1428:
Gary Becker and Kevin M. Murphy (1988). "A Theory of Rational Addiction", The Journal of Political Economy 96: 675–700.
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1385:
1371:
1357:
1343:
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1213:
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1180:
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1124:
1110:
1096:
1067:
1049:
1031:
1008:
399:
49:
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387:, remarked that if Smith was right, competition between artists should reduce their remuneration to the level of the
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part of their research program, and their treatment of the arts differed little from that of previous generations.
268:
261:
110:
68:
986:
942:
et al., 2005. "'Economic Man' in Cross-Cultural Perspective: Behavioral Experiments in 15 Small-scale Societies,"
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955:
782:, was launched in 1977. In academic terms, recognition was definitively achieved in 1994 with the publication by
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and economic growth), showing how much his thinking still owes mercantilism in failing to understand the role of
174:
791:
476:
416:
1584:
Françoise Benhamou, L'Économie de la culture, Paris, La Découverte, coll. "Repères", 2004 (5th ed.), 123 p. (
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606:
598:
570:
221:
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638:, remained the work of small businesses with their own particular behavior, which set them apart from the
630:
625:
529:
446:
While Arnold questioned the possibility of considering economic relations outside their cultural context,
411:
114:
91:
958:, 1998. "Endogenous Preferences: The Cultural Consequences of Markets and Other Economic Institutions,"
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Performing Arts-The Economic Dilemma : A Study of Problems Common to Theater, Opera, Music and Dance
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sought to construct general laws with as few exceptions as possible. As a result, the early texts of the
1071:. Chapter 2. p. 33 – 41 : "The eighteenth century: Imitation and imagination in the Enlightenment".
322:
291:
1409:
Formalization of the economic agent as following an individual optimization program under constraint.
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586:
332:
246:
159:
920: • Paul Streeten (2006). "Culture and Economic Development", V. 1 Chap. 13, pp. 399–412.
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989:
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seminal work on the performing arts, which argues that reflection on the arts has been part of the
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209:
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1551:, vol. 1, Amsterdam/Boston Mass., North-Holland, coll. "Handbooks", November 11, 2006, 1400 p. (
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The economy of culture emerged as its own subject from a series of works in the 1960s. The book
470:
A third virulent critic of the treatment of the arts by the political thinking of his time was
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1574:
1552:
1299:
863:
804:
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attacked another pillar of classical political economy: that of the stability of individuals'
348:
79:
1559:), 2: History, "Chapter 2: Art and culture in the history of economic thought", p. 25–68
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ranked city dwellers in order of social merit in 1576, he placed artists at the bottom. Even
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327:
217:
197:
122:
45:
1315:
David Throsby, "The Production and Consumption of the Arts: A View of Cultural Economics",
394:
However, the classification of the arts as "unproductive" is also found in the writings of
971:
899:, 20(2), pp. 23–48. • Mark Casson (2006). "Culture and Economic Performance,"
639:
538:
514:
503:
456:
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87:
29:
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played an important role in supporting London's major cultural institutions, such as the
425:
advocated the omnipresence of artistic creation in everyday life through arts and crafts.
320:(1759). His main question was to explain the reasons for the demand for works of art. In
1483:
Journal of Cultural Economics , Springer US, ISSN 0885-2545 (printed) 1573–6997 (online)
939:
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Rejecting the utilitarianism of Bentham and the rational agent of the neo-classicists,
554:
518:
471:
439:
422:
360:
279:
between the situation in Italy, France, and Flanders and the one in England, where the
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dimension of the artistic demand of his time: it was all about flaunting one's wealth.
103:
95:
41:
925:
910:
170:
1664:
1649:
1281:
67: 76–90 et Gary Becker and Kevin M. Murphy (1988) "A Theory of Rational Addiction"
783:
767:
755:
558:
272:
134:
687:, they challenged the relationship between economic growth and artistic creativity.
1625:
832:
808:
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658:
193:
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and his successors in considering the positive effects of socialism on the arts.
983:
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534:
494:
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388:
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130:
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1566:, vol. 1, 1: Introduction, "Chapter 1: Introduction and Overview", p. 3–22
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of the arts were therefore hardly relevant to the research agenda that led to
311:
295:
205:
72:
64:
25:
21:
1277:
Gary Becker and George J. Stigler (1977), "De Gustibus Non Est Disputandum",
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482:
287:
53:
1419:
been a constant angle of attack on public policies on culture and the arts.
1128:. Chapter 2. p. 41-48 : "Classical economics: The shadow of Bentham".
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weaknesses of the distinction between productive and non-productive work.
201:
710:
to the 'Five Giants', they identified multiple forms of this influence.
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967:
836:
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257:
590:
1298:, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, August 22, 1994, 224 p. (
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The economy prior to the eighteenth century was essentially a
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Historical challenges and the contemporary culture economics
314:
set out his main thoughts on the problem of culture in his
1245:. Chapter 2. p. 61-66, "Keynes and the Bloomsbury Group".
642:
that the economists of the time were trying to theorize.
60:
wasting their resources on even more harmful activities.
474:, who was both a businessman and an artist, leading the
200:. Cultural activities were seen as deeply linked to the
1231:. Chapter 2. p. 59-60, "The arts in American economics"
790:, at the same time as this same journal introduced the
16:
Schools of economic thought regarding arts and culture.
398:. It is indeed logical that an economic thought whose
290:
as the driving force behind artistic progress, citing
854:
852:
241:
Hume and Turgot: towards a rehabilitation of the arts
934:, Springer. Description and Arrow-page searchable
726:, of which Keynes was one of the first directors.
597:saw such commissioned works as an illustration of
1618:For an overview of the schools of thought cited:
758:theory, which provided a basis for the idea of a
675:, who spent most of his life in contact with the
339:and the contribution of human capital to growth.
1198:. Chapter 2. p. 53-59, "The marginal revolution"
465:Economics: An Introduction to the General Reader
121:had a decisive influence on the actions of the
8:
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827:and geographical economics have been added.
821:Handbook of the Economics of Art and Culture
1296:Paying the Piper: Culture, Music, and Money
493:As had their predecessors, the founders of
455:was therefore a fervent advocate of public
236:The 18th century: imitation and imagination
1163:. Chapter 2. p. 48-52, "Humanist critics".
928: • Jeanette D. Snowball, 2008.
762:specific to the field of cultural goods.
631:Economic Science and the General Interest
578:The arts according to American economists
196:, who saw them as a way of improving the
1612:For a presentation of the field itself:
995:The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics
457:policies to support the arts and culture
438:Contrary to political economy thinkers,
383:, following on from his critique of the
1402:
848:
158:to institutions. As a growing field in
40:most often takes as its starting point
893:Does Culture Affect Economic Outcomes?
513:Convinced that great works of art are
1259:
1257:
1255:
1253:
1251:
1208:
1206:
1204:
1175:
1173:
1171:
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7:
1091:
1089:
1087:
1085:
1083:
1081:
1079:
1077:
1026:
1024:
1022:
974:, 2008. "Institutions and Culture,"
862:, Ashgate Publishing, 1966, 582 p. (
740:Performing Arts-The Economic Dilemma
730:From marginal status to recognition
180:Archduke Leopold Wilhelm of Austria
113:onwards, important figures such as
1016:29–33 : "The earliest years".
14:
1547:Victor Ginsburgh, David Throsby,
992:, 2016. "Culture and Economics."
359:This fear can be clearly seen in
1571:A Handbook of Cultural Economics
1562:V. A. Ginsburgh, David Throsby,
1519:A Handbook of Cultural Economics
1494:A Handbook of Cultural Economics
1283:The Journal of Political Economy
897:Journal of Economic Perspectives
1474:Benhamou, p. 3-5, Introduction.
1456:Benhamou, p. 3-5, Introduction.
1447:Benhamou, p. 3-5, Introduction.
1319:, vol. 32, no 1, 1994, p. 1-29.
858:William Baumol, William Bowen,
646:Keynes and the Bloomsbury Group
463:, who, in the final chapter of
286:He also gave a central role to
1573:, Edward Elgar, 2003, 494 p. (
1317:Journal of Economic Literature
960:Journal of Economic Literature
931:Measuring the Value of Culture
905:, V. 1, Chap. 12, pp. 359–97.
788:Journal of Economic Literature
786:of a literature review in the
735:revival of the world economy.
140:Journal of Economic Literature
1:
978:, 6(2/3), 2008), pp. 255–94.
944:Behavioral and Brain Sciences
926:10.1016/S1574-0676(06)01013-1
918:10.1016/S1574-0676(06)01012-X
911:10.1016/S1574-0676(06)01012-X
780:Journal of Cultural Economics
724:Arts Council of Great Britain
617:treatment of the arts in his
1279:The American Economic Review
343:The age of classic economics
56:in the seventeenth century.
1676:History of economic thought
1620:History of economic thought
984:10.1162/JEEA.2008.6.2-3.255
619:Theory of the Leisure Class
143:and two reference manuals.
63:In the eighteenth century,
50:history of economic thought
1692:
1656:Economic theory of museums
807:stemming from the work of
418:Arts & Crafts movement
317:Theory of Moral Sentiments
262:Anne Robert Jacques Turgot
150:
952:10.1017/S0140525X05000142
607:American institutionalism
175:David Teniers the Younger
1114:. Chapter 2. p. 33 – 44.
1100:. Chapter 2. p. 33 – 41.
805:economic analysis of law
599:conspicuous consumption
365:The Rationale of Reward
222:conspicuous consumption
182:in his painting gallery
166:Before the 18th century
135:theory of public choice
1268:. Chapter 2. p. 61-66.
1217:. Chapter 2. p. 53-59.
1184:. Chapter 2. p. 48-52.
1149:. Chapter 2. p. 41-48.
946:, 28(6), pp. 795–815.
668:
602:
526:
489:Marginalist revolution
426:
264:
245:In the context of the
185:
92:William Stanley Jevons
33:
962:, 36(1), pp. 75–111.
798:in 2003, and then by
661:, two members of the
653:
585:
512:
414:
323:The Wealth of Nations
260:
220:, he highlighted the
173:
111:mid-twentieth century
24:
1650:Public choice theory
1624:Schools of thought:
569:). Convinced of the
333:capital accumulation
247:Age of Enlightenment
160:behavioral economics
38:economics of culture
1638:Neoclassical school
1630:Classical economics
1361:. Chapters 5 and 6.
1347:. Chapter 1. p. 05.
1333:. Chapter 1. p. 06.
825:international trade
775:cultural industries
499:neoclassical school
432:Thomas Love Peacock
407:Humanist criticisms
190:subsistence economy
52:since the birth of
1614:Cultural economics
773:The growth of the
669:
603:
543:rational addiction
527:
427:
292:Lorenzo de' Medici
267:In the same vein,
265:
230:Ferdinando Galiani
210:Bernard Mandeville
186:
153:Cultural economics
147:Cultural economics
34:
1579:978-1-84064-338-1
1557:978-0-444-50870-6
1304:978-0-7486-0454-8
868:978-0-7512-0106-2
587:Cosimo de' Medici
477:Arts & Crafts
349:political economy
80:political economy
36:The contemporary
1683:
1671:Cultural history
1642:Institutionalism
1607:Related articles
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677:Bloomsbury Group
664:Bloomsbury Group
567:National Gallery
523:National Gallery
396:John Stuart Mill
123:Bloomsbury Group
54:modern economics
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792:classifications
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640:technostructure
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515:public property
504:Alfred Marshall
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354:Homo economicus
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998:, 2nd Edition.
987: •
940:Joseph Henrich
936:chapter links.
889:Luigi Zingales
885:Paola Sapienza
872:
847:
846:
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841:
816:
813:
760:market failure
744:William Baumol
731:
728:
685:primitive arts
647:
644:
579:
576:
555:Lionel Robbins
530:William Jevons
519:Lionel Robbins
490:
487:
472:William Morris
440:Matthew Arnold
423:William Morris
408:
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381:James Maitland
361:Jeremy Bentham
344:
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151:Main article:
148:
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104:William Morris
96:Matthew Arnold
28:, portrait of
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1053:. Chapter 2.
1052:
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1035:. Chapter 2.
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1012:. Chapter 2.
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956:Samuel Bowles
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784:David Throsby
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768:Baumol effect
763:
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756:public choice
753:
749:
748:William Bowen
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559:Covent Garden
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273:human capital
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251:externalities
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1646:Keynesianism
1626:Mercantilism
1570:
1569:Ruth Towse,
1563:
1548:
1542:Bibliography
1525:
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833:Ronald Coase
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720:World War II
716:
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84:marginalists
77:
62:
58:
35:
18:
1601:(in French)
1594:read online
881:Luigi Guiso
752:Gary Becker
571:public good
495:marginalism
448:John Ruskin
389:living wage
385:physiocrats
281:Reformation
131:Gary Becker
100:John Ruskin
1665:Categories
843:References
796:Ruth Towse
704:Flood myth
695:Clive Bell
565:, and the
461:Henry Clay
312:Adam Smith
307:Adam Smith
206:Jean Bodin
133:) and the
73:Adam Smith
26:Ilya Repin
1438:Benefits.
1389:. Part 8.
1375:. Part 5.
891:, 2006. "
691:Roger Fry
626:Galbraith
300:Francis I
288:patronage
115:Galbraith
109:From the
1537:Appendix
837:auctions
615:Veblen's
337:services
328:Veblen's
202:passions
82:nor the
1634:Marxism
1597:archive
968:2564952
722:of the
708:Genesis
452:utility
46:Bowen's
1588:
1577:
1555:
1302:
1039:29–33.
966:
887:, and
866:
673:Keynes
655:Keynes
636:design
595:Veblen
591:Titian
561:, the
539:Murphy
535:Becker
298:, and
269:Turgot
218:Veblen
119:Keynes
102:, and
69:Turgot
42:Baumol
32:, 1901
1397:Notes
964:JSTOR
296:Leo X
1586:ISBN
1575:ISBN
1553:ISBN
1517:See
1504:See
1492:See
1300:ISBN
1057:9-3.
864:ISBN
746:and
693:and
657:and
537:and
483:Marx
347:The
67:and
65:Hume
44:and
980:doi
948:doi
922:doi
914:doi
907:doi
895:,"
742:by
589:by
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593:.
517:,
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870:)
667:.
601:.
525:.
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