Hitler's Willing Executioners

334:; that the men of Unit 101 had the option not to kill, and – a point Goldhagen emphasizes – that no German was ever punished in any serious way for refusing to kill Jews. But Goldhagen disagreed with Browning's "central interpretation" that the killing was done in the context of the ordinary sociological phenomenon of obedience to authority. Goldhagen instead contended that "for the vast majority of the perpetrators a monocausal explanation does suffice". They were not ordinary men as we usually understand men to be, but "ordinary members of extraordinary political culture, the culture of Nazi Germany, which was possessed of a hallucinatory, lethal view of the Jews. That view was the mainspring of what was, in essence, voluntary barbarism." Goldhagen stated that he would write a book that would rebut 603:

killed in the village of Niezdów, whereupon policemen about to visit the cinema in Opole were sent to carry out a reprisal action. Only elderly Poles, mostly women, remained in the village, as the younger Poles had all fled. Word came, moreover, that the ambushed German policeman had been only wounded, not killed. Nonetheless, the men of Reserve Police Battalion 101 shot all the elderly Poles and set the village on fire before returning to the cinema for an evening of casual and relaxing entertainment. There is not much evidence of "obvious distaste and reluctance" to kill Poles to be seen in this episode. Would Goldhagen have omitted this incident if the victims had been Jews and an anti-Semitic motivation could have easily been inferred?

481:

too unpleasant, and Goldhagen used the fact that the vast majority of the men of Battalion 101 did not excuse themselves to argue that this proved the murderous antisemitic nature of German culture. Goldhagen argued for the specific antisemitic nature of Battalion 101's violence by noting that in 1942 the battalion was ordered to shoot 200 Gentile Poles, and instead shot 78 Polish Catholics while shooting 180 Polish Jews later that same day. Goldhagen used this incident to argue the men of Battalion 101 were reluctant to kill Polish Catholics, but only too willing to murder Polish Jews. Goldhagen wrote the men of Battalion 101 felt "joy and triumph" after torturing and murdering Jews. Goldhagen used antisemitic statements by Cardinal

463:, and the American historian Aron Rodrigue, while differing from Kershaw over many details about German public opinion, arguing that the term "passive complicity" is a better description than "indifference", have largely agreed with Kershaw that there was a chasm of opinion about the Jews between the Nazi "true believers" and the wider German public, whose views towards Jews seemed to have expressed more of a dislike than a hatred. Goldhagen, in contrast, declared the term "indifference" to be unacceptable, contending that the vast majority of Germans were active antisemites who wanted to kill Jews in the most "pitiless" and "callous" manner possible. 557:

primarily against the Eastern Jews, was part of the "cultural code" of German conservatives, who were mainly found in the German officer corps and the high civil administration. It stifled protests by conservatives against persecutions of the Jews, as well as Hitler's proclamation of a "racial annihilation war" against the Soviet Union. The Catholic Church maintained its own "silent anti-Judaism" which "immuniz the Catholic population against the escalating persecution" and kept the Church from protesting against the persecution of the Jews, even while it did protest against the euthanasia program. Third was the so-called

315:, these men were ordered to round up Jews, and if there was not enough room for them on the trains, to shoot them. In other, more chilling cases, they were ordered simply to kill a specified number of Jews in a given town or area. In one instance, the commander of the unit gave his men the choice of opting out of this duty if they found it too unpleasant; the majority chose not to exercise that option, resulting in fewer than 15 men out of a battalion of 500 opting out. Browning argued that the men of Unit 101 agreed willingly to participate in massacres out of a basic obedience to authority and 416: 936:...a book which argued in a crude and dogmatic fashion that virtually all Germans had been murderous antisemites since the middle ages, had been longing to exterminate the Jews for decades before Hitler came to power, and actively enjoyed participating in the extermination when it began. The book has since been exposed as a tissue of misrepresentation and misinterpretation, written in shocking ignorance of the huge historical literature on the topic and making numerous elementary mistakes in its interpretation of the documents. 743:, arguing that Goldhagen had taken wildly out of context the list of Jewish doctors forbidden to practice that Goerdeler as Lord Mayor of Leipzig had issued in April 1935. Hoffmann contended that what happened was that on April 9, 1935, the Deputy Mayor of Leipzig, the National Socialist Rudolf Haake, banned all Jewish doctors from participating in public health insurance and advised all municipal employees not to consult Jewish doctors, going beyond the existing antisemitic laws then in place. In response, the 691:

marriages, so at least 50,000 Germans, and presumably parts of their families, had familial contact with the Jews. Goldhagen himself mentions that a large proportion of the Jewish upper classes in Germany converted to Christianity in the nineteenth century. In a society where eliminationist norms were universal and in which Jews were rejected even after they had converted, or so he argues, the rise of this extreme form of assimilation of Jews would hardly have been possible.

1103:'s famous formulation "No Hitler, no Holocaust". Rosenbaum asked "So you would agree with Himmelfarb's argument?" Goldhagen replied: "If the Nazis had never taken power, there would not have been a Hitler. Had there not been a depression in Germany, then in all likelihood the Nazis wouldn't have come to power. The anti-Semitism would have remained a potential, in the sense of the killing form. It required a state." Rosenbaum asked Goldhagen about Richard Levy's 1975 book 358: 811:, and of only selecting evidence that supported his thesis. Furthermore, Schoenbaum complained that Goldhagen did not take a comparative approach with Germany placed in isolation, thereby falsely implying that Germans and Germans alone were the only nation that saw widespread antisemitism. Finally, Schoenbaum argued that Goldhagen failed to explain why the anti-Jewish boycott of April 1, 1933, was relatively ineffective or why the 354:," a virulent ideology stretching back through centuries of German history. Under its influence, the vast majority of Germans wanted to eliminate Jews from German society, and the perpetrators of the Holocaust did what they did because they thought it was "right and necessary." For Goldhagen the Holocaust, in which so many Germans participated, must be explained as a result of the specifically German brand of antisemitism. 1135:

embraced Nazi-style genocide. Indeed, fascist Spain was a haven for Jews during the Holocaust" he said. Goldberg went on to state that Goldhagen was mistaken in believing that "eliminationist antisemitism" was unique to Germany, and Goldberg charged "eliminationist antisemitism" was just as much a feature of modern Palestinian culture as it was of 19th-20th-century German culture, and that in all essentials

924:

Goldhagen's method of handling evidence, one could easily find enough citations from the Ludwigsburg material to prove the exact opposite of what Goldhagen maintains. Goldhagen's book is not driven by sources, be they primary or secondary ones. He does not allow the witness statements he uses to speak for themselves. He uses material as an underpinning for his pre-conceived theory.

712:

extreme and gratuitous savagery" on the Germans was "unpersuasive", and the pogroms that killed thousands of Jews committed by Lithuanian mobs in the summer of 1941, shortly after the arrival of German troops, suggested murderous anti-Semitism was not unique to Germany. Clendinnen ended her essay by stating she found Browning's account of Battalion 101 to be the more believable.

768:, as "patent nonsense". Common complaints suggest that Goldhagen's primary hypothesis is either "oversimplified", or represents "a bizarre inversion of the Nazi view of the Jews" turned back upon the Germans. One German commentator suggested that Goldhagen's book "pushes us again and again headfirst into the nasty anti-Semitic mud. This is his revenge." 27: 894:, among others, all of whom had produced important research in the subject that would require a more subtle analysis. Bauer also argued that these linguistic limitations substantially impaired Goldhagen from undertaking broader comparative research into European antisemitism, which would have demanded further refinements to his analysis. 182:" in German political culture which had developed in the preceding centuries. Goldhagen argues that eliminationist antisemitism was the cornerstone of German national identity, was unique to Germany, and because of it ordinary German conscripts killed Jews willingly. Goldhagen asserts that this mentality grew out of 514:

media, "a triumphant march", as "the open-mindedness that Goldhagen encountered in the land of the perpetrators" was "gratifying" and something of which Germans ought to be proud, even in the context of a book which sought, according to some critics, to "erase the distinction between Germans and Nazis".

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has stated that Goldhagen is "totally wrong about everything. Totally wrong. Exceptionally wrong." Hilberg also wrote in an open letter on the eve of the book launch at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum that "The book is advertised as something that will change our thinking. It can do nothing of the

602:

Goldhagen cites numerous instances of gratuitous and voluntaristic killing of Jews as relevant to assessing the attitudes of the killers. But he omits a similar case of gratuitous, voluntaristic killing by Reserve Police Battalion 101 when the victims were Poles. A German police official was reported

475:

Using Geertz's anthropological methods, Goldhagen argued by studying the men of Battalion 101 one could engage in a "thick description" of the German "eliminationist antisemitic" culture. Contra Browning, Goldhagen argued that the men of Battalion 101 were not reluctant killers, but instead willingly

1059:

Crawshaw further asserts that the book's critics were partly historians "weary" of Goldhagen's "methodological flaws", but also those who were reluctant to concede that ordinary Germans bore responsibility for the crimes of Nazi Germany. In Germany, the leftist general public's insistence on further

923:

seems to follow no stringent methodological approach whatsoever. This is the problem. He prefers instead to use parts of the statements selectively, to re-interpret them according to his own point of view, or to take them out of context and make them fit into his own interpretative framework. Using

905:

What is striking among some of those who have criticized my book — against whom so many people in Germany are openly reacting — is that much of what they have written and said has either a tenuous relationship to the book's contents or is patently false. Some of the outright falsehoods include: that

945:

Several critics, including David North, have characterized Goldhagen's text as adopting Nazi concepts of identity and utilizing them to slur Germans. Hilberg, to whom Browning dedicated his monograph, wrote that "Goldhagen has left us with the image of a medieval-like incubus, a demon latent in the

730:

took issue with Goldhagen's claim that the Catholic and Lutheran churches in Germany were genocidal towards the Jews, arguing that there was a difference between Christian and Nazi anti-Semitism. Neuhaus argued that Goldhagen was wrong to claim that Luther had created a legacy of intense, genocidal

541:

gave an interview in which he said that Goldhagen had a poor understanding of the diversities of German antisemitism, that he construed "a unilinear continuity of German anti-semitism from the medieval period onwards" with Hitler as its end result, whereas, said Mommsen, it is obvious that Hitler's

480:

of Battalion 101. In its turn, the "culture of cruelty" in Battalion 101 was linked by Goldhagen to the culture of "eliminationist antisemitism". Goldhagen noted that the officers in charge of Battalion 101 led by Major Wilhem Trapp allowed the men to excuse themselves from killing if they found it

466:

As such, to prove his thesis Goldhagen focused on the behavior of ordinary Germans who killed Jews, especially the behavior of the men of Order Police Reserve Battalion 101 in Poland in 1942 to argue ordinary Germans possessed by "eliminationist antisemitism" chose to willingly murder Jews. The 450

1054:

hese perceived professional failings proved almost irrelevant. Instead, Goldhagen became a bellwether of German readiness to confront the past. The accuracy of his work was, in this context, of secondary importance. Millions of Germans who wished to acknowledge the (undeniable and well-documented)

719:

wrote that to accept Goldhagen's thesis would also have to mean accepting that the entire German Jewish community was "downright stupid" from the mid-19th century onwards because it is otherwise impossible to explain why they chose to remain in Germany, if the people were so murderously hostile or

690:

Formally, at least, the Jews had been fully emancipated with the establishment of the German Empire, although they were kept out of certain influential occupations, enjoyed extraordinary prosperity ... Germans intermarried with Jews: in the 1930s some 50,000 Jews were living in mixed German-Jewish

612:

only objected to the inclusion of Jewish war veterans in the antisemitic laws that they otherwise supported) but that left to their own devices, would not have gone further and that for all their fierce anti-Semitism, German conservatives would not have engaged in genocide. Browning also contended

556:

movement which directly influenced Hitler as well as the Nazi party. Finally, Mommsen criticizes Goldhagen for errors in his understanding of the internal structure of the Third Reich. In the interview, Mommsen distinguished three varieties of German antisemitism. "Cultural antisemitism," directed

513:

characterizes him as "the darling of the German public". Many media commentators observed that, while the book launched a passionate national discussion about the Holocaust, this discussion was carried out civilly and respectfully. Goldhagen's book tour became, in the opinion of some in the German

373:

Goldhagen charged that every other book written on the Holocaust was flawed by the fact that historians had treated Germans in the Third Reich as "more or less like us," wrongly believing that "their sensibilities had remotely approximated our own." Instead, Goldhagen argued that historians should

711:

wrote that Goldhagen's picture of Major Trapp, the unit's commander as an antisemitic fanatic was "far-fetched" and "there is no indication, on that first day or later that he found the murdering of Jewish civilians a congenial task". Clendinnen wrote that Goldhagen's attempt to "blame the Nazis'

592:

Jewish labor camps in Lublin demonstrates that in contrast to other victims, only Jewish labor was treated murderously by the Germans without regard for and indeed counter to economic rationality. And the Helmbrechts death march case, he argues, demonstrates that Jews were killed even when orders

755:

Regional Association of the Central Association of German Citizens of Jewish Faith) complained to Goerdeler about Haake's actions and asked him to enforce the existing antisemitic laws, which at least allowed some Jewish doctors to practice. On 11 April 1935, Goerdeler ordered the end of Haake's

1151:

charged that the book was Zionist propaganda meant to promote the image of a Gentile world forever committed to the destruction of the Jews, thus justifying the existence of Israel, and as such, Goldhagen's book was more concerned with the politics of the Near East and excusing what Finkelstein

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There were regional variations in anti-Semitism even within Germany. But Hitler's exemplified and brought to an apotheosis the particular form of eliminationist anti-Semitism that came to the fore in the latter part of the nineteenth century. Whatever the variations, I think Austrian and German

817:

needed to be organized by the Nazis as opposed to being a spontaneous expression of German popular antisemitism. Using an example from his family history, Schoenbaum wrote that his mother in law, a Polish Jew who lived in Germany between 1928–47, never considered the National Socialists and the

411:

in the 20th century. He argued that such was the ferocity of German "eliminationist antisemitism" that the situation in Germany had been "pregnant with murder" regarding the Jews since the mid-19th century and that all Hitler did was merely to unleash the deeply rooted murderous "eliminationist

1134:

argued that "Goldhagen's thesis was overstated but fundamentally accurate. There was something unique to Germany that made its fascism genocidal. Around the globe, there have been dozens of self-declared fascist movements (and a good deal more that go by different labels), and few of them have

579:

Goldhagen must prove not only that Germans treated Jewish and non-Jewish victims differently (on which virtually all historians agree), but also that the different treatment is to be explained fundamentally by the antisemitic motivation of the vast majority of the perpetrators and not by other

966:

in German custody in World War II as "incidental" to the Holocaust were factually wrong, stating that the first people gassed at Auschwitz in August 1941 were Soviet POWs. Influenced by the thesis about the Jews and Soviets as equal victims of the Holocaust presented in the American historian

607:

About the long-term origins of the Holocaust, Browning argued that by the end of the 19th century, antisemitism was widely accepted by most German conservatives and that virtually all German conservatives supported the Nazi regime's antisemitic laws of 1933–34 (and the few who did object like

703:

were "the best part of the book. Little is new in the overall description, but the details and the way he analyzes the attitude of the murderers is powerful and convincing". Finally Bauer charged "that the anti-German bias of his book, almost a racist bias (however much he may deny it) leads

759:

Others have contended that, despite the book's "undeniable flaws", it "served to refocus the debate on the question of German national responsibility and guilt", in the context of a re-emergence of a German political right, which may have sought to "relativize" or "normalize" Nazi history.

536:

Debate about Goldhagen's theory has been intense. Detractors have contended that the book is "profoundly flawed" or "bad history". Some historians have criticized or simply dismissed the text, citing among other deficiencies Goldhagen's "neglect of decades of research in favour of his own

906:

little is new in the book; that it puts forward a monocausal and deterministic explanation of the Holocaust, holding it to have been the inevitable outcome of German history; that its argument is ahistorical; and that it makes an "essentialist," "racist" or ethnic argument about Germans.

542:

antisemitic propaganda had no significant impact on the election campaigns between September 1930 and November 1932 and on his coming to power, a crucial phenomenon ignored by Goldhagen. Goldhagen's one-dimensional view of German antisemitism also ignores the specific impact of the

471:

who showed little interest in National Socialism and who had no special training to prepare them for genocide. Despite their very different interpretations of Battalion 101, both Browning and Goldhagen have argued that the men of the unit were a cross-sample of ordinary Germans.

613:

that the antisemitism of German conservative elites in the military and the bureaucracy long prior to 1933 meant that they made few objections, moral or otherwise to the Nazi/völkisch antisemitism. Browning was echoing the conclusions of the German conservative historian

1055:

fact that ordinary Germans participated in the Holocaust welcomed his work; his suggestion that Germans were predestined killers was accepted as part of the uncomfortable package. Goldhagen's book was treated as a way of ensuring that Germany came to terms with its past.

1027:

published an eight-part series of opinions of the book before its German publication in August 1996. Goldhagen arrived in Germany in September 1996 for a book tour, and appeared on several television talk shows, as well as a number of sold-out panel discussions.

593:

have been given to keep them alive, and hence the driving motive for the killing was not compliance to government policy or obedience to orders, but the deep personal hatred of the perpetrators for their Jewish victims that had been inculcated by German culture.

790:". Kershaw wrote in 2000 that Goldhagen's book would "occupy only a limited place in the unfolding, vast historiography of such a crucially important topic-probably at best as a challenge to historians to qualify or counter his 'broad-brush' generalisations". 763:

Goldhagen's assertion that almost all Germans "wanted to be genocidal executioners" has been viewed with skepticism by most historians, a skepticism ranging from dismissal as "not valid social science" to a condemnation, in the words of the Israeli historian

254:

history. The book was a "publishing phenomenon", achieving fame in both the United States and Germany, despite its "mostly scathing" reception among historians, who were unusually vocal in condemning it as ahistorical and, in the words of Holocaust historian

1086:. When Rosenbaum asked Goldhagen about scholarly literature that contends that Austrian anti-Semitism was far more virulent and violent than German anti-Semitism, and if the fact that Hitler was an Austrian had any effect on his thesis, Goldhagen replied: 454:

was motivated by a vicious form of antisemitism on the part of the Nazi elite, but that it took place in a context where the majority of German public opinion was indifferent to what was happening. In several articles and books, most notably his 1983 book

877:

was similarly condemnatory, questioning how an institute such as Harvard could award a doctorate for a work which so "slipped through the filter of critical scholarly assessment". Bauer also suggested that Goldhagen lacked familiarity with sources not in

597:

About Goldhagen's claims that the men of Order Police Reserve Battalion 101 were reluctant to kill Polish Catholics while being eager to kill Polish Jews, Browning accused Goldhagen of having double standards with the historical evidence. Browning wrote:

978:

Goldhagen has said that there is no racist or ethnic argument about Germans in his text. Some of his critics have agreed with him that his thesis is "not intrinsically racist or otherwise illegitimate", including Ruth Bettina Birn and Norman Finkelstein

459:, Kershaw argued that most Germans were at a minimum at least vaguely aware of the Holocaust, but did not much care about what their government was doing to the Jews. Other historians, such as the Israeli historian Otto Dov Kulka, the Israeli historian 496:. Goldhagen argued that it "strains credibility" to imagine that "ordinary Danes or Italians" could have acted as he claimed ordinary Germans did during the Holocaust to prove that "eliminationist" anti-Semitism was uniquely German. 504:

What some commentators termed "The Goldhagen Affair" began in late 1996, when Goldhagen visited Berlin to participate in the debate on television and in lecture halls before capacity crowds, on a book tour. Although

2446:"Most professional historians welcome questions about the role of ordinary people in the holocaust, but rejected the charge of "eliminationist anti-Semitism" inherent in German culture as somewhat oversimplified. 485:

as typical of what he called the Roman Catholic Church's support for genocide. Goldhagen was later to expand on what he sees as the Catholic Church's institutional antisemitism and support for the Nazi regime in

189:

The book challenges several common ideas about the Holocaust that Goldhagen believes to be myths. These "myths" include the idea that most Germans did not know about the Holocaust; that only the SS, and not

1031:

The book had a "mostly scathing" reception among historians, who were vocal in condemning it as ahistorical. "hy does this book, so lacking in factual content and logical rigour, demand so much attention?"

864:

as "bordering on cultural terrorism ... The Jewish establishment has embraced Goldhagen as if he were Mr Holocaust himself ... All this is absurd, because the criticism of Goldhagen is backed up so well."

918:

in his research. Their task was complicated by the way that "Goldhagen's book neither a bibliography nor a listing of archival sources". Their conclusions were that Goldhagen's analysis of the records:

386:. His approach would be anthropological, treating Germans the same way that an anthropologist would describe preindustrial people who believed in absurd things such as trees having magical powers. 378:

who believed in the necessity of human sacrifice to appease the gods and ensure that the sun would rise every day. His thesis, he said, was based on the assumption that Germans were not a "normal"

746: 914:

Ruth Bettina Birn and Volker Riess recognised the need to examine the primary sources (the Police Battalion investigation records) Goldhagen had cited and determine if Goldhagen had applied the

975:

Guttenplan argued that the Nazi theories about "Judo-Bolshevism" made for a more complex explanation for the Holocaust than the Goldhagen thesis about an "eliminationist anti-Semitic" culture.

2317:

Hoffmann, Peter "The German Resistance and the Holocaust" p. 105-126 from Confront! Resistance in Nazi Germany edited by John J. Michalczyk, New York: Peter Lang Publishers, 2004 p. 113

521:, which asserted that "because of the penetrating quality and the moral power of his presentation, Daniel Goldhagen has greatly stirred the consciousness of the German public." The 450:, a leading expert in the social history of the Third Reich, wrote, "The road to Auschwitz was built by hate, but paved with indifference," that is, that the progress leading up to 1047:. Hilberg summarised the debates: "by the end of 1996, it was clear that in sharp distinction from lay readers, much of the academic world had wiped Goldhagen off the map." 860:

declaring Finkelstein "a supporter of Hamas". The force of the counterattacks against Birn and Finkelstein from Goldhagen's supporters was described by Israeli journalist

271:

asserted that the selection was the result of Goldhagen's book having "helped sharpen public understanding about the past during a period of radical change in Germany".

664:

was "moderately" antisemitic. Bauer wrote of the major pre-1930 political parties, the only party that could be described as radically antisemitic was the conservative

326:

published in July 1992, Goldhagen expressed agreement with several of Browning's findings, namely, that the killings were not, as many people believe, done entirely by

2525: 679:. Bauer charged that it was the Great Depression, not an alleged culture of murderous anti-Semitism that allowed the NSDAP to make its electoral breakthrough in the 1311: 338:

and Browning's thesis and prove instead that it was the murderous antisemitic nature of German culture that led the men of Reserve Battalion 101 to murder Jews.

824:

also drew controversy with the publication of two critical articles: "Daniel Jonah Goldhagen's 'Crazy' Thesis", by the American political science professor

2290: 1070:

have argued that whatever the book's flaws, it should be welcomed because it will reinvigorate the debate on the Holocaust and stimulate new scholarship.

3584: 1904: 1857: 1835: 509:

was sharply criticized in Germany at its debut, the intense public interest in the book secured the author much celebrity among Germans, so much so that

244:

Goldhagen's book stoked controversy and debate in Germany and the United States. Some historians have characterized its reception as an extension of the

219:

and his narrative challenges numerous aspects of Browning's book. Goldhagen had already indicated his opposition to Browning's thesis in a review of

1147:

wrote the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran were all "eliminationist anti-Semites". From a different angle, the American political scientist

854:. In response to their book, Goldhagen sought a retraction and apology from Birn, threatening at one point to sue her for libel and according to 2965: 2069: 631:, all the antisemitic laws in Germany that were passed between 1933 and 1938 would still have occurred but there would have been no Holocaust. 234: 962:

was that Goldhagen's targets were the Germans, whereas Kahane's targets were the Arabs. Guttenplan charged that Goldhagen's remarks about the

580:

possible motivations, such as compliance with different government policies for different victim groups. The second and third case studies of

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to suggest a moral equivalence between the Nazi view of Jews and Goldhagen's view of Germans. The most widely read German weekly newspaper

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politics had led him to "get so far afield from the Goldhagen thesis that it is a relief to reach the critique by Ruth Bettina Birn".

651: 1013:(translated "a people/nation of demons") was often used by the Nazis to describe Jews, and the title of the cover story was meant by 3373: 3349: 3332: 3293: 3204: 3152: 3135: 3118: 3093: 3079: 2809: 2735: 2665: 537:

preconceptions", which he proceeds to articulate in an "intemperate, emotional, and accusatory tone". In 1997, the German historian

1050:

Steve Crawshaw writes that although the German readership was keenly aware of certain "professional failings" in Goldhagen's book,

665: 618: 958:), also dedicated to Hilberg, wrote that the only difference between Goldhagen's claims of an eliminationist culture and those of 1306: 756:

boycott, and provided a list of "non-Aryan" physicians permitted to operate under the existing laws and those who were excluded.

995:

was published in March 1996, numerous German reviews ensued. In April 1996, before the book had appeared in German translation,

3569: 963: 752: 1345: 668:, who Bauer called "the party of the traditional, often radical anti-Semitic elites" who were "a definite minority" while the 3574: 3415: 2638: 1483: 731:

anti-Semitism within Lutheranism, asking why, if that were the case, would so many people in solidly Lutheran Denmark act to

111: 1091:

anti-Semitism can be seen of a piece, where there was a central model of Jews and a view that they needed to be eliminated.

2770:"The reception in the country of Goldhagen's book ... whose German translation appeared in August 1996, was unparalleled". 680: 673: 617:

who once presented at a historians' conference in 1984 a counter-factual scenario whereby, had it been a coalition of the

415: 26: 646:

and murderous anti-Semitism was not confined to Germany as Goldhagen had claimed. Bauer wrote of the main parties of the

431:, 1543. Goldhagen used Luther's book to argue for the deep-rooted unique "eliminationist" antisemitism of German culture. 3177: 451: 292: 210: 133: 2154:

Hillgruber, Andreas, "Jürgen Habermas, Karl-Heinz Janßen, and the Enlightenment in the Year 1986", Piper, Ernst (Ed.),

295:, which had been used in 1942 to massacre and round up Jews for deportation to the Nazi death camps in German-occupied 1384: 1210: 351: 191: 179: 1873: 3527: 3425: 476:

murdered Polish Jews in the cruelest and sadistic manner possible, that "brutality and cruelty" were central to the

955: 736: 549: 403: 1473: 1506: 732: 700: 2591: 2294: 720:

why so many German Jews wanted to assimilate into an "eliminationist anti-Semitic" culture. In a 1996 review in

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Anti-Semitism, Fascism and the Holocaust; a critical review of Daniel Goldhagen's Hitler's Willing Executioners

1995: 740: 3299:

Kwiet, Konrad: "'Hitler's Willing Executioners' and Ordinary Germans': Some Comments on Goldhagen's Ideas".

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antisemitism" that had been brooding within the German people since at least Luther's time, if not earlier.

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claimed was Israel's poor human rights record rather than European history. In turn during a review of

807:

where he charged Goldhagen with grossly simplifying the question of the degree and virulence of German

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Goldhagens unwillige Kirche. Alte und neue Fälschungen über Kirche und Papst während der NS-Herrschaft

3464: 2286: 2076: 727: 589: 564: 543: 282: 202: 3012: 2824:"The Goldhagen Controversy: Agonising Problems, Scholarly Failure, and the Political Dimension," in 584:

are aimed at meeting the burden of proof on these two points. Goldhagen argues that the case of the

3357:"The Goldhagen Controversy: Agonising Problems, Scholarly Failure, and the Political Dimension" in 3124: 2989:(1998), "Daniel Jonah Goldhagen's 'Crazy' Thesis: A Critique of Hitler's Willing Executioners", in 2710: 609: 2940: 1923: 1408: 946:

German mind ... waiting for the opportunity for the chance to strike out". The American columnist

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challenge to the prevailing orthodoxy surrounding the question of German public opinion and the

3306:

LaCapra, Dominick. 'Perpetrators and Victims: The Goldhagen Debate and Beyond", in LaCapra, D.

2723: 1095:

Rosenbaum inquired about Goldhagen's "pregnant with murder" metaphor, which suggested that the

3507:"Goldhagen in Germany: Historians' Nightmare & Popular Hero. An Essay on the Reception of 3411: 3369: 3345: 3328: 3289: 3269: 3200: 3148: 3131: 3114: 3089: 3075: 3054: 2805: 2731: 2661: 2435: 2404: 2377: 2347: 2045: 2005: 1971: 1944: 1479: 1245: 1100: 915: 839: 695:

Despite having a generally critical view of Goldhagen, Bauer wrote that the final chapters of

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The book, which began as a Harvard doctoral dissertation, was written largely as an answer to

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Goldhagen's willing executioners: the attack on a scholarly superstar, and how he fights back

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antisemitism or racism, the most vitriolic form, the foremost advocate of using violence.

394: 379: 362: 215: 65: 311:, who had been drafted but found unfit for military duty. In the course of the murderous 2693:(Google Books preview) New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2002, page 215. 1440:"The Evil of Banality" (excerpts from Goldhagen's Review, H-NET List on German History). 1139:

today was just as genocidal as the NSDAP had been. In 2011, in an apparent reference to

350:

Goldhagen argued that Germans possessed a unique form of antisemitism, which he called "

3397: 2928: 2628:

Birn, Ruth Bettina & Riess, Volker. "Revising the Holocaust" (1997) pp.199-200, 209

1991: 1131: 553: 510: 443: 2526:"Daniel Jonah Goldhagen's 'Crazy' Thesis: A Critique of Hitler's Willing Executioners" 1317: 638:

wrote that Goldhagen's thesis about a murderous antisemitic culture applied better to

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Ordinary Men : Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland

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parties in the early 20th century until they were all but wiped out in the 1912

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Germans synonymous, and expressed regret that Goldhagen could not see the same.

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examine ordinary Germans of the Nazi period, in the same way, they examined the

3381:, April 8, 1996, introduced by Michael Berenbaum (Washington, DC: USHMM, 2001). 2330:

edited by John J. Michalczyk, New York: Peter Lang Publishers, 2004 p. 113-114.

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election. Goldhagen replied that voting for or against the wildly antisemitic

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images on churches of central Europe; the ones that were removed marked in red

231:

The Nazi Executioners: A Study of Their Behavior and the Causation of Genocide

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The "Willing Executioners/Ordinary Men" Debate: Selections from the Symposium

2619:

Birn, Ruth Bettina & Riess, Volker. "Revising the Holocaust" (1997) p.197

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sort. To me it is worthless, all the hype by the publisher notwithstanding".

567:

wrote in response to Goldhagen's criticism of him in the 1998 "Afterword" to

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or so men of Battalion 101 were mostly middle-aged, working-class men from

288:

Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland

207:

Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland

250:, the German historiographical debate of the 1980s that sought to explain 198:

antisemitism was a uniquely Nazi ideology without historical antecedents.

3431: 2754:

Rosenbaum, Ron Explaining Hitler, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 page 346.

1023: 774: 366: 183: 125: 2781:

The Nazi Dictatorship : Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation

2550: 707:

Concerning Order Police Reserve Battalion 101, the Australian historian

3366:

The Holocaust and Anti-semitism: the Goldhagen Argument and Its Effects

3238: 3173: 1307:"Is There a New Anti-Semitism? – A Conversation with Raul Hilberg" 643: 639: 468: 308: 307:

fanatics but ordinary middle-aged men of working-class background from

171: 1639: 1637: 1510: 1105:

The Downfall of the Anti-Semitic Political Parties in Imperial Germany

241:

Award for the best dissertation in the field of comparative politics.

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was something inevitable that would have happened without Hitler and

1060:

penitence prevailed, according to most observers. American historian

1041: 658:

were opposed to anti-Semitism while the right-of-the-centre Catholic

375: 304: 296: 209:. Much of Goldhagen's book is concerned with the actions of the same 3111:

The Goldhagen Effect: History, Memory, Nazism—Facing the German Past

3099:

Birn, Ruth Bettina, and Riess, Volker, "Revising The Holocaust", in

1997:

The War in the Empty Air: Victims, Perpetrators, and Postwar Germans

735:

from deportation to the death camps in 1943. The Canadian historian

533:

praised the work as something every German schoolchild should read.

3230: 3084:

Clendinnean, Inga "The Men in the Green Tunics" pages 114-132 from

3286:

The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation

2473:

The Nazi dictatorship: problems and perspectives of interpretation

1136: 414: 356: 20:

Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust

3475:. clivejames.com enlarged version of The New Yorker 22 April 1996 3399:

Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust

159:

Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust

517:

Goldhagen was awarded the Democracy Prize in 1997 by the German

251: 192:

average members of the Wehrmacht, participated in murdering Jews

2639:"David Irving, Hitler and Holocaust Denial: Electronic Edition" 1123:, and that people could still hate Jews without voting for the 299:. The conclusion of the book, which was much influenced by the 3039:

Alan, Amos (January 26, 1996). "The Antagonist as Liberator".

1762: 1760: 303:

on obedience, was that the men of Unit 101 were not demons or

1694: 1692: 119: 3447: 3368:. San Francisco: International Scholars Publications, 1999. 3145:

A Nation On Trial: The Goldhagen Thesis and Historical Truth

2995:

A Nation on Trial: The Goldhagen Thesis and Historical Truth

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A Nation on Trial: The Goldhagen Thesis and Historical Truth

3344:, 272–88. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999. 2680: 2678: 2326:

Hoffmann, Peter "The German Resistance and the Holocaust",

829: 327: 3254:

Joffe, Josef (November 28, 1996). "Goldhagen in Germany".

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Norman G. Finkelstein, Ruth Bettina Birn (15 March 1998).

1715:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 pp. 117–118. 1686:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 pp. 115–117. 229:

titled "The Evil of Banality". His doctoral dissertation,

145: 2313: 2311: 2213: 2211: 2181: 2179: 2177: 2158:, Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1993, p. 225. 2137: 2135: 1456: 1454: 407:, according to Goldhagen, were the same as those held by 3310:

Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001, 114–40.

2660:. Oak Park, Michigan: Labor Publications. pp. 5–7. 786:

wrote that he fully agreed with Jäckel on the merits of

747:

Centralvereins deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens

457:

Popular Opinion and Political Dissent in the Third Reich

186:

attitudes rooted in religion and was later secularized.

650:

that dominated German politics until 1930, the leftist

2505:

Schoenbaum, David (July 1, 1996), "Ordinary People?",

1905:

Holocaust writer in storm over role of Catholic Church

525:, awarded for the first time since 1990, was given by 3340:. "The Goldhagen Controversy: The Past Distorted" in 2260:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 p. 132. 2247:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 pp 130. 2234:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 p. 122. 1874:

Forum on Holocaust canceled after an author withdraws

1702:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 p. 119. 1566:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 p. 117. 389:

Goldhagen's book was meant to be an anthropological "

3327:. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998. 2592:"Motives, Causes, and Alibis: A Reply to My Critics" 1823:

The Politics of the Nazi Past in Germany and Austria

1036:

wondered. The pre-eminent Jewish-American historian

1005:

under the title "Ein Volk von Dämonen?". The phrase

259:, "totally wrong about everything" and "worthless". 3316:. "Die Holocaust-Forschung und Goldhagens Thesen," 2766:

Hitler's shadow war: the Holocaust and World War II

2701: 2699: 401:in the 16th century and expressed in his 1543 book 397:. The violent antisemitic "cultural axiom" held by 143: 131: 117: 105: 97: 89: 81: 71: 61: 51: 43: 33: 3396: 3189: 1301: 1299: 899:Motives, Causes, and Alibis: A Reply to My Critics 850:. These articles were later published as the book 3113:. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000. 2838:Staff writer (July 1, 1996). "Ordinary People?". 2793: 2791: 2789: 2500: 2498: 2496: 2494: 932:was highly critical, saying of Goldhagen's work: 2923: 2921: 2256:Clendinnen, Inga "The Men in the Green Tunics", 2243:Clendinnen, Inga "The Men in the Green Tunics", 2230:Clendinnen, Inga "The Men in the Green Tunics", 1924:"Goldhagen Wins German Prize For Holocaust Book" 1130:In 2006, Jewish American conservative columnist 3528:"The dispute between Goldhagen and Finkelstein" 3323:Shandley, Robert & Riemer, Jeremiah (eds.) 3174:"'Hitler's Willing Executioners': An Exchange," 3088:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, 2966:"Why Obama Might Save Israel From Nuclear Iran" 2281: 2279: 2273:Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2003 p. 127. 2063: 2061: 1088: 1052: 934: 921: 903: 897:Goldhagen replied to his critics in an article 782:"simply a bad book". The British historian Sir 688: 600: 577: 3465:"Goldhagen - His Critics and His Contribution" 3074:. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001. 2915:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 pages 353-354. 1404:Goldhagen Wins German Prize for Holocaust Book 1040:denounced the book as unscholarly and full of 1852: 1850: 1078:In May 1996, Goldhagen was interviewed about 519:Journal for German and International Politics 265:Journal for German and International Politics 8: 2590:Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah (February 6, 1997). 2400:German national identity after the Holocaust 2103:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 pp. 204-207. 1647:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 pp. 200–201. 1478:(Google Books preview) W. W. Norton, p.214. 1448:, July 13–20, 1992. Retrieved June 15, 2014. 1426:, New York : HarperCollins, 1992. p. 57 1336: 1334: 19: 2415:" shredded by many professional historians" 2376:. Cambridge University Press. p. 381. 2129:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 p. 212-213. 1673:, New York: Alfred Knopf, 1996 pp. 439–440. 1527:, Alfred Knopf: New York, 1996 pp. 27, 269. 1244:. Continuum International. pp. 136–7. 1119:parties had nothing to do with antisemitic 797:wrote a highly critical book review in the 1796:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 pp. 453-454. 1754:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 pp. 249–253. 1741:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 pp. 254–256. 1728:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 pp. 256–257. 1553:, Alfred Knopf: New York, 1996 pp. 28, 30. 25: 18: 3197:(Internet Archive preview, search inside) 2902:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 page 349. 2884:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 page 348. 2457:German Protestants Remember the Holocaust 2365: 2363: 1836:Author goes to Berlin to debate Holocaust 3103:, Vol.40:1 (March 1997) pp. 195–215 1273: 1271: 1269: 1267: 1265: 1263: 1261: 772:wrote a very hostile book review in the 3325:Unwilling Germans? The Goldhagen Debate 2868: 2856: 2578:Historical Controversies and Historians 2423: 2421: 2145:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 p. 197. 2116:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 p. 212. 2044:. Oxford University Press. p. 14. 1970:. Univ of Wisconsin Press. p. 93. 1940:Historical Controversies and Historians 1817: 1815: 1592:, New York: HarperCollins, 1998 p. 339. 1194: 886:, which thereby excluded research from 382:people influenced by the values of the 3410:, Alfred A. Knopf 1996, Vintage 1997, 1605:, New York: Alfred Knopf, 1996 pp. 8–9 1207:American Political Science Association 726:, the American Catholic priest Father 235:American Political Science Association 1809:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 p. 408. 1783:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 p. 261. 1770:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 p. 240. 1660:, Toronto: KeyPorter, 2000 pp. 90–91. 1579:, New York: Alfred Knopf 1996 p. 284. 1540:, Alfred Knopf: New York, 1996 p. 28. 1354:: Some Comments on Goldhagen's Ideas" 868:The Austrian-born American historian 170:, that the vast majority of ordinary 7: 3318:Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 3217:(1997). "The Goldhagen Phenomenon". 2549:Vidal, Dominique (14 October 1998). 2328:Confront! Resistance in Nazi Germany 2000:. Indiana University Press. p. 1316:. Winter–Spring 2007. Archived from 1203:"Gabriel A. Almond Award Recipients" 745:Landesverband Mitteldeutschland des 627:that took power in 1933 without the 3268:. Counterpoint Press. p. 395. 3143:, Norman & Birn, Ruth Bettina. 3053:. Counterpoint Press. p. 395. 2711:pages 73-75 (Google Books preview). 2709:, W. W. Norton & Company, 2001 2141:Browning, Christopher "Afterword", 2125:Browning, Christopher "Afterword", 2112:Browning, Christopher "Afterword", 2099:Browning, Christopher "Afterword", 2068:Mommsen, Hans (December 12, 1997). 1903:Landler, Mark. (November 14, 2002) 1834:Cowell, Alan. (September 8, 1996). 1643:Browning, Christopher "Afterword", 1507:"The Fictions of Ruth Bettina Birn" 1401:Ruder, Debra Bradley (1997-01-09), 1233: 1231: 1229: 1227: 964:deaths of three million Soviet POWs 3181:, vol 44, no, 2, February 6, 1997. 2933:"Palestine's Willing Executioners" 2205:, Yale: New Haven, pp. 98-99, 100. 778:newspaper in May 1996 that called 733:protect the Danish Jewish minority 319:, not bloodlust or primal hatred. 178:because of a unique and virulent " 162:is a 1996 book by American writer 14: 3585:History books about the Holocaust 1631:, Toronto: KeyPorter, 2000 p. 91. 1407:, Harvard Gazette, archived from 672:won only 2.6% of the vote in the 223:in the July 13, 1992, edition of 3361:, Vol. 15, 1997, pp. 80–91. 2783:London: Arnold 2000, pp. 254–56. 2551:"From 'Mein Kampf' to Auschwitz" 2403:. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 230. 2156:Forever In The Shadow Of Hitler? 1872:Carvajal, Doreen. (May 7, 1996) 1856:Elon, Amos. (January 26, 1997). 1618:, New York: Pantheon, 1989 p. 71 1107:which traced the decline of the 793:In 1996, the American historian 281:In 1992, the American historian 3538:from the original on 2007-02-22 3473:"Hitler's Unwitting Exculpator" 3308:Writing History, Writing Trauma 3262:Blumenthal, W. Michael (1999). 3130:. München: Olzog-Verlag, 2003. 3047:Blumenthal, W. Michael (1999). 2798:Stern, Fritz (April 15, 2001). 2271:Germany's War and the Holocaust 2221:, Yale: New Haven, 2000 p. 108. 2189:, Yale: New Haven, 2000 p. 101. 2171:, Yale: New Haven, 2000 p. 107. 1213:from the original on 2018-07-11 973:Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? 890:and Israeli sources writing in 842:and initially published in the 828:and initially published in the 739:accused Goldhagen of maligning 263:won the Democracy Prize of the 174:were "willing executioners" in 3199:. W. W. Norton & Company. 3147:. New York: Henry Holt, 1998. 2804:. Princeton University Press. 2434:. Berghahn Books. p. 15. 2428:Jarausch, Konrad Hugo (1997). 2340:Stackelberg, Roderick (1999). 2293:. First Things. Archived from 2291:"Daniel Goldhagen's Holocaust" 666:German National People's Party 619:German National People's Party 548:antisemitism as proclaimed by 488:Hitler's Willing Executioners' 1: 3509:Hitler's Willing Executioners 2997:, Holt Paperbacks, p. 39 2993:; Birn, Ruth Bettina (eds.), 1807:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1794:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1781:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1768:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1752:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1739:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1726:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1671:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1603:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1577:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1551:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1538:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1525:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1348:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1277:Shatz, Adam. (April 8, 1998) 1141:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1080:Hitler's Willing Executioners 1003:Hitler's Willing Executioners 993:Hitler's Willing Executioners 822:Hitler's Willing Executioners 805:Hitler's Willing Executioners 788:Hitler's Willing Executioners 780:Hitler's Willing Executioners 697:Hitler's Willing Executioners 582:Hitler's Willing Executioners 507:Hitler's Willing Executioners 436:Hitler's Willing Executioners 348:Hitler's Willing Executioners 261:Hitler's Willing Executioners 3590:Reserve Police Battalion 101 3256:The New York Review of Books 3178:The New York Review of Books 2596:The New York Review of Books 2075:. Yad Vashem. Archived from 1964:Aschheim, Steven E. (2001). 1293:. Retrieved January 4, 2008. 991:When the English edition of 446:. The British historian Sir 293:Reserve Police Battalion 101 3041:The New York Times Magazine 2828:, vol. 15, 1997, pp. 80–91. 2475:London: Arnold 2000 p. 255. 1912:. Accessed January 4, 2008. 1881:. Accessed January 4, 2008. 1863:. Accessed January 4, 2008. 1858:The antagonist as liberator 1844:. Accessed January 4, 2008. 1495:Goldhagen (1992), pp.51–52. 1385:Central European University 1082:by the American journalist 684:elections of September 1930 352:eliminationist antisemitism 180:eliminationist antisemitism 3608: 2455:Holtschneider, K. Hannah. 2346:. Routledge. p. 261. 1156:, the American journalist 550:Houston Stuart Chamberlain 529:and Jan Philipp Reemtsma. 425:On the Jews and Their Lies 404:On the Jews and Their Lies 3580:Books by Daniel Goldhagen 3553:"Discussion of Goldhagen" 3490:"Postscript to Goldhagen" 2814:– via Google Books. 2764:McKale, Donald M (2002). 1943:. Routledge. p. 16. 1505:Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah. 1160:wrote that Finkelstein's 1143:, the American columnist 24: 3515:Religious Studies Review 3406:Kindle book: look inside 3288:, London: Arnold, 2000, 3160:"The Evil of Banality", 3072:Rethinking the Holocaust 2488:, London: Arnold p. 258. 2370:Marcuse, Harold (2001). 2219:Rethinking the Holocaust 2203:Rethinking the Holocaust 2187:Rethinking the Holocaust 2169:Rethinking the Holocaust 1937:Lamont, William (1998). 1658:The Holocaust in History 1629:The Holocaust in History 1238:Crawshaw, Steve (2004). 741:Carl Friedrich Goerdeler 285:published a book titled 16:Book by Daniel Goldhagen 3342:Einstein's German World 3301:Jewish Studies Yearbook 3013:"Willing Executioners?" 2801:Einstein's German World 2538:(224). New Left Review. 2397:Fulbrook, Mary (1999). 1922:Deborah Bradley Ruber. 1460:Goldhagen (1992), p.49. 1361:Jewish Studies Yearbook 956:David Irving libel case 3570:1996 non-fiction books 3192:The Holocaust on Trial 3101:The Historical Journal 2991:Finkelstein, Norman G. 2987:Finkelstein, Norman G. 2707:The Holocaust on Trial 2690:The Holocaust on Trial 2522:Finkelstein, Norman G. 1475:The Holocaust on Trial 1093: 1057: 952:The Holocaust on Trial 938: 926: 912: 715:The Israeli historian 693: 634:The Israeli historian 605: 595: 432: 370: 341: 3575:Anti-German sentiment 3492:. clivejames.com 2001 3086:Reading the Holocaust 2656:North, David (1996). 2556:Le Monde Diplomatique 2486:The Nazi Dictatorship 2287:Neuhaus, Richard John 2258:Reading the Holocaust 2245:Reading the Holocaust 2232:Reading the Holocaust 2038:Caplan, Jane (2008). 1713:Reading the Holocaust 1700:Reading the Holocaust 1684:Reading the Holocaust 1564:Reading the Holocaust 1389:public lecture series 1001:ran a cover story on 941:Accusations of racism 677:elections in May 1928 418: 360: 211:Reserve Battalion 101 166:, in which he argues 3125:Feldkamp, Michael F. 2964:(November 7, 2011). 2931:(February 1, 2006). 2524:(July–August 1997). 728:Richard John Neuhaus 565:Christopher Browning 283:Christopher Browning 276:The Evil of Banality 203:Christopher Browning 3555:(in German). H Net. 3440:Goldhagen, Daniel, 3355:Wehler, Hans-Ulrich 3172:and Joffe, Joseph. 2724:"A Nation on Trial" 1017:and the editors of 981:(A Nation on Trial) 393:" in the manner of 213:of the Nazi German 21: 3551:Various scholars. 3265:The Invisible Wall 3166:, July 13–20, 1992 3050:The Invisible Wall 3017:The New York Times 2728:The New York Times 2509:, vol. XLVIII 2373:Legacies of Dachau 1967:In times of crisis 1926:. Harvard Gazette. 1909:The New York Times 1892:Legacies of Dachau 1878:The New York Times 1861:The New York Times 1841:The New York Times 1805:Goldhagen, Daniel 1792:Goldhagen, Daniel 1779:Goldhagen, Daniel 1766:Goldhagen, Daniel 1750:Goldhagen, Daniel 1737:Goldhagen, Daniel 1724:Goldhagen, Daniel 1711:Clendinnean, Inga 1698:Clendinnean, Inga 1682:Clendinnean, Inga 1669:Goldhagen, Daniel 1616:In Hitler's Shadow 1601:Goldhagen, Daniel 1575:Goldhagen, Daniel 1562:Clendinnean, Inga 1549:Goldhagen, Daniel 1536:Goldhagen, Daniel 1523:Goldhagen, Daniel 1314:. logosjournal.com 1284:2011-08-05 at the 1149:Norman Finkelstein 844:Historical Journal 832:political journal 826:Norman Finkelstein 615:Andreas Hillgruber 433: 371: 365:) the presence of 342:Goldhagen's thesis 313:Operation Reinhard 301:Milgram experiment 3467:at Yad Vashem.org 3393:Goldhagen, Daniel 3275:978-1-58243-012-6 3186:Guttenplan, D. D. 3170:Goldhagen, Daniel 3158:Goldhagen, Daniel 3060:978-1-58243-012-6 3011:(June 28, 1998). 2962:Goldberg, Jeffrey 2943:on April 11, 2013 2913:Explaining Hitler 2900:Explaining Hitler 2882:Explaining Hitler 2685:Guttenplan, D. D. 2576:Lamont, William. 2471:Kershaw, Sir Ian 2441:978-1-57181-040-3 2410:978-0-7456-1045-0 2383:978-0-521-55204-2 2353:978-0-415-20115-5 2051:978-0-19-927687-5 2011:978-0-253-34651-3 1977:978-0-299-16864-3 1950:978-1-85728-740-0 1890:Marcuse, Harold. 1590:Explaining Hitler 1470:Guttenplan, D. D. 1436:Goldhagen, Daniel 1422:Browning, Chris. 1383:Published by the 1251:978-0-8264-6320-3 1241:Easier fatherland 1154:A Nation On Trial 1101:Milton Himmelfarb 916:historical method 910:of these is true. 840:Ruth Bettina Birn 699:dealing with the 493:A Moral Reckoning 490:s sequel, 2002's 391:thick description 330:men, but also by 322:In his review of 239:Gabriel A. Almond 155: 154: 82:Publication place 3597: 3556: 3546: 3544: 3543: 3522: 3501: 3499: 3497: 3484: 3482: 3480: 3457: 3456: 3455: 3446:, archived from 3435: 3430:, archived from 3427:Personal website 3420: 3409: 3402: 3279: 3260:as mentioned in 3259: 3250: 3219:Critical Inquiry 3210: 3198: 3195: 3163:The New Republic 3064: 3045:as mentioned in 3044: 3027: 3026: 3024: 3023: 3005: 2999: 2998: 2983: 2977: 2976: 2974: 2973: 2958: 2952: 2951: 2949: 2948: 2939:. Archived from 2925: 2916: 2909: 2903: 2896: 2885: 2878: 2872: 2866: 2860: 2854: 2848: 2847: 2835: 2829: 2822: 2816: 2815: 2795: 2784: 2777: 2771: 2769: 2761: 2755: 2752: 2743: 2741: 2719: 2713: 2705:Guttenplan, D.D 2703: 2694: 2682: 2673: 2671: 2653: 2647: 2646: 2641:. Archived from 2635: 2629: 2626: 2620: 2617: 2611: 2610: 2608: 2607: 2598:. 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Evans 795:David Schoenbaum 654:and the liberal 648:Weimar Coalition 361:Map listing (in 247:Historikerstreit 226:The New Republic 168:collective guilt 164:Daniel Goldhagen 147: 121: 73:Publication date 38:Daniel Goldhagen 29: 22: 3607: 3606: 3600: 3599: 3598: 3596: 3595: 3594: 3560: 3559: 3550: 3541: 3539: 3526: 3505:Zank, Michael. 3504: 3495: 3493: 3487: 3478: 3476: 3470: 3453: 3451: 3439: 3423: 3418: 3403: 3391: 3388: 3364:Wesley, Frank. 3276: 3261: 3253: 3213: 3207: 3196: 3184: 3061: 3046: 3038: 3030: 3021: 3019: 3007: 3006: 3002: 2985: 2984: 2980: 2971: 2969: 2960: 2959: 2955: 2946: 2944: 2937:National Review 2929:Goldberg, Jonah 2927: 2926: 2919: 2911:Rosenbaum, Ron 2910: 2906: 2898:Rosenbaum, Ron 2897: 2888: 2880:Rosenbaum, Ron 2879: 2875: 2867: 2863: 2855: 2851: 2840:National Review 2837: 2836: 2832: 2823: 2819: 2812: 2797: 2796: 2787: 2778: 2774: 2763: 2762: 2758: 2753: 2746: 2738: 2721: 2720: 2716: 2704: 2697: 2683: 2676: 2668: 2655: 2654: 2650: 2637: 2636: 2632: 2627: 2623: 2618: 2614: 2605: 2603: 2589: 2588: 2584: 2575: 2571: 2561: 2559: 2548: 2547: 2543: 2531:New Left Review 2520: 2519: 2515: 2507:National Review 2504: 2503: 2492: 2483: 2479: 2470: 2463: 2454: 2450: 2442: 2427: 2426: 2419: 2411: 2396: 2395: 2391: 2384: 2369: 2368: 2361: 2354: 2339: 2338: 2334: 2325: 2321: 2316: 2309: 2300: 2298: 2289:(August 1996). 2285: 2284: 2277: 2268: 2264: 2255: 2251: 2242: 2238: 2229: 2225: 2216: 2209: 2197: 2193: 2184: 2175: 2166: 2162: 2153: 2149: 2140: 2133: 2124: 2120: 2111: 2107: 2098: 2094: 2085: 2083: 2079: 2072: 2067: 2066: 2059: 2052: 2037: 2036: 2032: 2023: 2019: 2012: 1992:Barnouw, Dagmar 1990: 1989: 1985: 1978: 1963: 1962: 1958: 1951: 1936: 1935: 1931: 1921: 1920: 1916: 1902: 1898: 1889: 1885: 1871: 1867: 1855: 1848: 1833: 1829: 1820: 1813: 1804: 1800: 1791: 1787: 1778: 1774: 1765: 1758: 1749: 1745: 1736: 1732: 1723: 1719: 1710: 1706: 1697: 1690: 1681: 1677: 1668: 1664: 1655: 1651: 1642: 1635: 1626: 1622: 1614:Evans, Richard 1613: 1609: 1600: 1596: 1588:Rosenbaum, Ron 1587: 1583: 1574: 1570: 1561: 1557: 1548: 1544: 1535: 1531: 1522: 1518: 1504: 1503: 1499: 1494: 1490: 1468: 1464: 1459: 1452: 1434: 1430: 1421: 1417: 1400: 1399: 1395: 1377: 1375: 1371: 1356: 1340: 1339: 1332: 1323: 1321: 1305: 1304: 1297: 1286:Wayback Machine 1276: 1259: 1252: 1237: 1236: 1225: 1216: 1214: 1201: 1200: 1196: 1187: 1170: 1076: 1062:Gordon A. Craig 1015:Rudolf Augstein 989: 948:D.D. Guttenplan 943: 835:New Left Review 800:National Review 770:Eberhard Jäckel 709:Inga Clendinnen 527:Jürgen Habermas 502: 395:Clifford Geertz 344: 279: 269:Harvard Gazette 216:Ordnungspolizei 136: 90:Media type 74: 66:Alfred A. 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1983: 1976: 1956: 1949: 1929: 1914: 1896: 1894:. 2001, p. 381 1883: 1865: 1846: 1827: 1811: 1798: 1785: 1772: 1756: 1743: 1730: 1717: 1704: 1688: 1675: 1662: 1649: 1633: 1620: 1607: 1594: 1581: 1568: 1555: 1542: 1529: 1516: 1497: 1488: 1462: 1450: 1442:Originally in 1428: 1415: 1393: 1330: 1295: 1257: 1250: 1223: 1193: 1186: 1183: 1182: 1181: 1176: 1169: 1166: 1132:Jonah Goldberg 1075: 1072: 988: 985: 942: 939: 737:Peter Hoffmann 554:Richard Wagner 511:Harold Marcuse 501: 498: 444:Final Solution 419:Title page of 343: 340: 278: 273: 153: 152: 149: 141: 140: 137: 132: 129: 128: 123: 115: 114: 109: 103: 102: 99: 95: 94: 91: 87: 86: 83: 79: 78: 75: 72: 69: 68: 63: 59: 58: 53: 49: 48: 45: 41: 40: 35: 31: 30: 15: 13: 10: 9: 6: 4: 3: 2: 3603: 3602: 3591: 3588: 3586: 3583: 3581: 3578: 3576: 3573: 3571: 3568: 3567: 3565: 3554: 3549: 3537: 3533: 3529: 3525: 3521:(3): 231–240. 3520: 3516: 3512: 3510: 3503: 3491: 3486: 3474: 3469: 3466: 3462: 3459: 3450:on 2000-12-04 3449: 3445: 3444: 3438: 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Mayer 965: 961: 957: 953: 949: 940: 937: 933: 931: 925: 920: 917: 911: 909: 902: 900: 895: 893: 889: 885: 881: 876: 871: 866: 863: 859: 858: 853: 849: 845: 841: 837: 836: 831: 827: 823: 819: 816: 815: 814:Kristallnacht 810: 806: 802: 801: 796: 791: 789: 785: 781: 777: 776: 771: 767: 761: 757: 754: 753:Middle German 750: 748: 742: 738: 734: 729: 725: 724: 718: 713: 710: 705: 702: 701:death marches 698: 692: 687: 685: 683: 678: 676: 671: 667: 663: 662: 657: 653: 649: 645: 641: 637: 632: 630: 626: 625: 624:Der Stahlhelm 620: 616: 611: 604: 599: 594: 591: 587: 583: 576: 574: 573:HarperCollins 571:published by 570: 566: 562: 560: 555: 551: 547: 546: 540: 534: 532: 528: 524: 520: 515: 512: 508: 499: 497: 495: 494: 489: 484: 483:Adolf Bertram 479: 473: 470: 464: 462: 461:David Bankier 458: 453: 449: 445: 441: 437: 430: 426: 422: 421:Martin Luther 417: 413: 410: 406: 405: 400: 399:Martin Luther 396: 392: 387: 385: 384:Enlightenment 381: 377: 368: 364: 359: 355: 353: 349: 339: 337: 333: 329: 325: 320: 318: 317:peer pressure 314: 310: 306: 302: 298: 294: 290: 289: 284: 277: 274: 272: 270: 266: 262: 258: 253: 249: 248: 242: 240: 236: 232: 228: 227: 222: 218: 217: 212: 208: 205:'s 1992 book 204: 199: 197: 193: 187: 185: 181: 177: 176:the Holocaust 173: 169: 165: 161: 160: 150: 148: 146:LC Class 142: 138: 135: 134:Dewey Decimal 130: 127: 124: 122: 116: 113: 110: 108: 104: 100: 96: 92: 88: 85:United States 84: 80: 76: 70: 67: 64: 60: 57: 56:The Holocaust 54: 50: 46: 42: 39: 36: 32: 28: 23: 3540:. 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Hitler's Willing Executioners

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