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Kashf-e hijab

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790:, in protest against mandatory veiling. The protests resulted in the temporary retraction of mandatory veiling. When the left and the liberals were eliminated and the conservatives secured solitary control, however, veiling was enforced on all women. This began with the "Islamification of offices" in July 1980, when unveiled women were refused entry to government offices and public buildings, and banned from appearing unveiled at their work places under the risk of being fired. On the streets, unveiled women were attacked by revolutionaries in the line with the revolutionary slogans "Wear a veil, or we will punch your head" and "Death to the unveiled". In July 1981, an edict of mandatory veiling in public was introduced, which was followed in 1983 by an Islamic Punishment Law, introducing a punishment of 74 lashes on unveiled women. The law was enforced by members of the 750: 874: 666:
much as their religious prejudice. Above all, like conscription, it symbolizes the steady penetration into their daily lives of an influence that brings with it more outside interference, more taxation. But one can easily exaggerate the popular effect of unveiling; it is a revolution for the well-to-do of the towns, but lower down the scale, where women perform outdoor manual labour, its effects both on habit and on the family budget diminish until among the tribal folk of all degrees they are comparatively slight. Hence, resistance among the greater part of the people has been passive, and, where existing, has manifested itself in reluctance of the older generation to go abroad in the streets. It is one thing to forbid women to veil; it is another thing to make them mingle freely with men.
862: 734:, the chador became a significant hindrance to climbing the social ladder, as it was considered a badge of backwardness and an indicator of being a member of the lower class. Veiled women were assumed to be from conservative religious families with limited education, while unveiled women were assumed to be from the educated and professional upper- or middle class. The veil became a class marker; while the lower classes started to wear the veil again, the upper classes no longer wore the veil at all, while professional middle-class women such as teachers and nurses appeared unveiled in their work place, but sometimes veiled when they returned home to their families. 779:
conservatives, the veil was thus now not a hindrance, but empowerment enabling access to public spheres. The conservative view on unveiled women made them vulnerable to sexual harassment and hostility from conservative male revolutionaries, while the hijab protected women from harassment, because conservative men regarded them as more respectable. In order to participate in anti-Shah protests without being subjected to harassment, many women also started to wear the veil as protection: two slogans of the revolution were: "Wear a veil, or we will punch your head" and "Death to the unveiled".
786:, the policy inherited from the Kashf-e hijab was turned around. Instead of being forced to remove their veil, women were now subjected to the reversed ban against unveiling, and the veil were now enforced upon all women. The non-conservative women, who had worn the veil as a symbol of opposition during the revolution, had not expected veiling to become mandatory, and when the veil was first made mandatory in February 1979 it was met with protests and demonstrations by liberal and leftist women, and thousands of women participated in a 598: 642:. The Iranian women's rights activists and feminists were mainly from the educated elite, and some had appeared unveiled even before the Kashf-e hijab: Dowlatabadi is believed to have been the first woman in Iran to have done so, appearing in public in 1928 completely unveilied. However, there were also some feminists who opposed the reform; because while they supported unveiling, they did not support a mandatory unveiling, but rather women's right to choose. 775:, "a super-consumer" of products of imperialism, a propagator of "corrupt Western culture", undermining the traditionalist conception of "morals of society", and as overly dressed up "bourgeois dolls", who had lost their honor. The veil thus came to be some opposition women's way of expressing the revolutionary "demand for respect and dignity" and a solidarity with Iranian culture as opposed to culture colonialism, rather than a sign of backwardness. 20: 822: 850: 834: 686: 520:
clothes, without veils. The queen handed out diplomas, while the shah spoke about how half the population being disregarded in the past, and told women that the future was now in their hands. This was the first time an Iranian queen showed herself in public. Afterwards, the Shah had pictures of his unveiled wife and daughters published, and unveiling enforced throughout Iran.
810: 677:, the policy was aimed at "eradicating the tremendous power of faith" in Muslim societies that was enabled by what he termed the "decency of women", as hijab in his view prevented Muslim women from suffering from the "malicious abuse" that he regarded women in the West to be victims of, and what in his view made people preoccupied with sexual desires. 516:('Ladies Society') was formed with support by the government in which women's rights activists campaigned for unveiling. The reform to allow female teachers and students not to veil, as well as allowing female students to study alongside men, were all reforms opposed and criticized by the Shia clergy. 665:
Next to their daily bread, what affects the people most widely is what touches the code of social habit that, in Islam, is endorsed by religion. Among Muslims, the Iranians are not a fanatical people. The unveiling of women inaugurated in the preceding year attacks the people's social conservatism as
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The reform was long in the making. In the second half of the 19th-century, Iranian upper-class men started to visit Europe and started to adopt Western clothing for themselves, which made Western fashion become considered as a sign of progress and modernism in Iran among parts of the elite. From the
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Discrimination against the women wearing the headscarf or chador still occurred, with public institutions actively discouraging their use, and even some restaurants refusing to admit women who wore them. This period is characterized by the dichotomy between a minority who considered wearing the veil
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The unveiling of women had a huge symbolic importance to achieve women's emancipation and participation in society, and the shah introduced the reform gradually so as not to cause unrest. In the mid-1930s, only four thousand out of 6.5 million Iranian women ventured into public places without veils,
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is believed to have been the first woman in Iran to have appeared in public without the veil in 1928. To appear without a veil or even favor it in public debate was very controversial, and women's rights activists who spoke in favor of unveiling sometimes had to be protected by the police. In 1926,
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The official declaration of unveiling were made on 8 January 1936, and the queen and her daughters were given an important role in this event. That day, Reza Shah attended the graduation ceremony of the Tehran Teacher's College with the queen and their two daughters unveiled and dressed in modern
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During the revolution of the late 1970s, hijab became a political symbol. The hijab was considered by the Pahlavis as a rejection of their modernization policy and thereby of their rule. It became a symbol of opposition to their regime, with many middle-class working women starting to wear it as
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Many protestors during the revolution belonged to the conservative fraction. Unlike in the past, when conservative women did not mix with men, thousands of veiled women participated in religious processions alongside men, when they also expressed their anti-Shah protests. In the eyes of the
488:, appeared unveiled in public with the Shah during her official visit in Iran. The clergy protested and asked the Shah to tell the foreign queen to cover up, but he refused. His refusal caused rumours that the Shah planned to abolish the veil in Iran. Later that year the Shah's wife, Queen 766:
back to popularity among the opposition, and women from different classes wore hijab for different reasons, including to protest the treatment of women as sex objects, solidarity with the conservative women who always wore them, and as a nationalist rejection of foreign influence.
467:. The Queen and the other women of the royal family assisted in this when they started to perform public representational duties as role models for women participating in public society, and they also played an active part as role models in the Kashf-e hijab. 753:
1979 Iranian Women Day's protests against mandatory veiling. Unveiled women protesting against the introduction of mandatory veiling. While many women had worn the veil during the revolution, they had not expected mandatory veiling and did not support
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Hijab was considered by conservative traditionalists as a sign of virtue, and thus unveiled women as the opposite. Unveiled women came to be seen by some of the opposition as a symbol of Western cultural colonialism; as victims of
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wearing a veil which did not cover her completely, as well as showing her face, for which she was harshly criticized by a cleric. As a response, Reza Shah publicly beat the cleric who had criticized the queen the next day.
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broke gender segregation and seclusion by performing unveiled in gender-mixed company at the Grand Hotel in Tehran and at the Royal Palace Theater. Iranian women's rights activists supported unveiling, and the feminist
988:, Resources for feminist research (RFR) / Documentation sur la recherche féministe (DRF), Vol. 22, n. 3/4, pp. 5–18, Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto (OISE), 713:
One of the enduring legacies of Reza Shah has been turning dress into an integral issue of Iranian politics. When Reza Shah was deposed in 1941, there were attempts made by conservatives such as the
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banned the veil and encouraged Iranians to adopt European dress in an effort to promote nation-building in a country with many tribal, regional, religious, and class-based variations in clothing.
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Some Western historians have stated that the reform would have been a progressive step if women had initiated it themselves, but that the method of banning it humiliated and alienated many
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Iran's past, present and future in women's rights: Research Report. Women's Rights Team. February 2023. By Idil Igdir, Fabiana Castro, Anouk Nolet. Chapter 1.1. Historical Background. p. 3
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Unveiled middle-class women vote in the election of 1963. In the period of 1941–1979, veiling was a class marker. The modernization reforms included both unveiling and women's suffrage.
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to avoid removing their hijabs due to the decree. A far larger escalation of violence occurred in the summer of 1935, when Reza Shah ordered all men to wear European-style
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The women of the Iranian women's movement largely consisted of educated elite women positive to unveiling. This image of the Board of Governors of the women's organization
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To enforce this decree, the police were ordered to physically remove the veil from any woman who wore it in public. Women who refused were beaten, their headscarves and
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of 1979, when the reverse ban against unveiling was introduced. One of the enduring legacies of Reza Shah is turning dress into an integral problem of Iranian politics.
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Houchang E. Chehabi. "Staging the Emperor's New Clothes: Dress Codes and Nation-Building under Reza Shah." Iranian Studies, vol. 26, no. 3/4, 1993, pp. 209–229. JSTOR,
649:, since its effect was, because of the effect of traditional beliefs, comparable to a hypothetical situation in which European women were suddenly ordered to go out 618:
The Iranian women's movement had generally been in favor of unveiling since its beginning. Unveiling was supported by progressive women's rights advocates such as
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and consisting mainly of Western-educated daughters of the upper class, foreign wives of recent returnees from Europe, and middle-class women from the minorities.
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It was the policy of the Shah to increase women's participation in society as a method of the modernization of the country, in accordance with the example of
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Until Reza Shah's abdication in 1941, many conservative women simply chose not leave their houses in order to avoid confrontations, and a few even committed
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and Sediqeh Dowlatabadi, who campaigned in support for it. Dowlatabadi was an active supporter of the reform, and engaged in the women's committee
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Sanasarian E. The Women's Rights Movement in Iran : Mutiny Appeasement and Repression from 1900 to Khomeini. New York N.Y: Praeger; 1982.
2086: 1954: 1748: 1595: 1469: 1390: 1379: 626:, which was led by the Shah's daughter Princess Shams to unite women organizations and prepare women for unveiling. Many of Iran's leading 471:
1920s, the Iranian women's movement supported unveiling, and a few individual Iranian women started to appear unveiled. In 1924, the singer
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The ban was enforced for a period of five years (1936–1941); after this, women were free to dress as they wished for forty years until the
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the Shah specifically provided police protection for individual women who appeared unveiled but with a scarf or a hat to cover the hair.
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Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and. Reveiling. By Hamideh Sedghi. New York: Cambridge University. Press. 2007. p. 85
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Chehabi, Houchang E. (Summer–Autumn 1993). "Staging the Emperor's New Clothes: Dress Codes and Nation-Building under Reza Shah".
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Hamideh Sedghi, "Feminist Movements III. In The Pahlavi Period," Encyclopaedia Iranica, IX/5, pp. 492-498, available online at
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Until 1979, the anniversary of the introduction of Kashf-e hijab was officially celebrated as Women's Liberation Day in Iran.
441:), an edict that was swiftly and forcefully implemented. The government also banned many types of male traditional clothing. 512:
Female teachers were encouraged to unveil in 1933 and schoolgirls and women students in 1935. In 1935, the women's committee
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and women's rights activists organized in the Kanun-e Banuvan to campaign in favor of the Kashf-e hijab, among them
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Despite all legal pressures and obstacles, a large proportion of Iranian women continued to wear veils or chadors.
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into the street. Some historians have pointed out that Reza Shah's ban on veiling and his policies were unseen in
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Katouzian, Homa (2003). "2. Riza Shah's Political Legitimacy and Social Base, 1921–1941" in Cronin, Stephanie:
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Chehabi, Houchang Esfandiar (2003): "11. The Banning of the Veil and Its Consequences" in Cronin, Stephanie:
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The revolutionary advocacy for the poor and tradition as a counterpoint to foreign influence brought
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Thirty-five Years of Forced Hijab: The Widespread and Systematic Violation of Women's Rights in Iran
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Shahidian, Hammed (1994). "The Iranian Left and the "Woman Question" in the Revolution of 1978-79".
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The religious conservatives reacted with opposition toward the reform. According to current
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London: Routledge. 1898:Vakil, Sanam (2011). 1095:Iran: A Country Study 752: 725:Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 688: 620:Khadijeh Afzal Vaziri 600: 570:Imperial Iranian Army 494:Fatima Masumeh Shrine 473:Qamar-ol-Moluk Vaziri 452:Background and impact 22: 1943:Foran, John (2003). 1631:Taylor & Francis 1261:, Oxford; New York: 1144:Taylor & Francis 1673:, 2nd ed, Chicago: 1292:The Washington Post 1267:Bloomsbury Academic 1105:, pp. 28, 116–117, 1103:Library of Congress 855:Women in 1950s Iran 827:Kashf-e hijab, 1936 730:However, under his 478:Sediqeh Dowlatabadi 380:On 8 January 1936, 332:My Stealthy Freedom 250:Taliban Afghanistan 2082:Secularism in Iran 924:Adeni Women´s Club 784:Islamic Revolution 756: 691: 613: 446:Iranian Revolution 286:Gender segregation 40: 1956:978-1-134-77921-5 1750:978-0-415-32421-2 1597:978-1-107-39435-3 1564:, pp. 84, 94–95, 1537:Fazle Chowdhury: 1471:978-0-252-07189-8 1391:978-0-252-07189-8 1381:978-0-252-02937-0 1177:Zürcher, Erik-Jan 1019:, pp. 19, 34–37, 918:Ali Bayramov Club 715:Devotees of Islam 433:veils (including 428: 378: 377: 2104: 2039: 2038: 2036: 2027: 2021: 2020: 2018: 2016: 2005: 1996: 1995: 1967: 1961: 1960: 1940: 1925: 1922: 1916: 1915: 1895: 1882: 1868: 1859: 1858: 1856: 1855: 1840: 1834: 1820: 1814: 1813: 1777: 1771: 1764: 1755: 1754: 1734: 1728: 1727: 1691: 1685: 1677:, pp. 108, 152, 1667: 1661: 1647: 1641: 1619: 1602: 1601: 1581: 1572: 1554: 1543: 1535: 1524: 1521: 1515: 1514: 1508: 1503: 1501: 1493: 1485: 1476: 1475: 1455: 1446: 1445: 1443: 1441: 1424: 1418: 1415: 1406: 1399: 1393: 1385: 1365: 1338: 1337: 1320:(3/4): 209–229. 1309: 1303: 1302: 1300: 1298: 1283: 1277: 1255: 1232: 1214: 1195: 1173: 1154: 1132: 1113: 1091: 1085: 1067: 1058: 1040: 1027: 1009: 996: 979: 912:Gruaja Shqiptare 876: 864: 852: 839:Kashfe Hijab in 836: 824: 812: 796:Guidance Patrols 722: 720:Fedāʾīān-e Eslām 709: 636:Farrokhroo Parsa 588: 560:. 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514:Kanun-e Banuvan 492:, attended the 454: 374: 342:World Hijab Day 17: 12: 11: 5: 2110: 2108: 2100: 2099: 2094: 2089: 2084: 2079: 2074: 2069: 2059: 2058: 2055: 2054: 2047: 2046:External links 2044: 2041: 2040: 2022: 1997: 1982: 1962: 1955: 1926: 1917: 1911:978-1441197344 1910: 1883: 1860: 1835: 1815: 1788:(2): 223–247. 1772: 1756: 1749: 1729: 1702:(2): 223–247. 1686: 1662: 1642: 1603: 1596: 1573: 1544: 1525: 1516: 1507:|journal= 1477: 1470: 1447: 1419: 1407: 1394: 1380: 1339: 1304: 1278: 1233: 1196: 1155: 1114: 1086: 1059: 1028: 997: 964: 963: 961: 958: 957: 956: 951: 945: 939: 933: 930:Huda Sha'arawi 927: 921: 915: 909: 903: 898: 893: 886: 883: 882: 881: 878: 871: 869: 866: 859: 857: 854: 847: 845: 838: 831: 829: 826: 819: 817: 814: 807: 803: 800: 746: 743: 682: 679: 594: 591: 525: 522: 505:almost all in 490:Tadj ol-Molouk 453: 450: 376: 375: 373: 372: 365: 358: 350: 347: 346: 345: 344: 339: 334: 329: 324: 319: 311: 310: 306: 305: 304: 303: 298: 293: 288: 283: 278: 273: 265: 264: 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Tauris 558:bowler hats 524:Enforcement 24:Reza Shah's 2061:Categories 1854:2018-07-13 960:References 782:After the 2015:30 August 1880:1735-4730 1810:163000506 1724:163000506 1659:0742-8014 1627:Routledge 1297:20 August 1140:Routledge 994:0707-8412 704:is being 681:Aftermath 628:feminists 593:Reactions 583:is being 543:is being 458:Reza Shah 456:In 1936, 400:Romanized 382:Reza Shah 230:Indonesia 205:Australia 172:Selendang 87:Battoulah 1992:30400577 885:See also 697:template 576:template 536:template 420:کشف حجاب 271:Andaruni 263:Concepts 240:Pakistan 137:Kimeshek 132:Kerudung 82:Al-amira 47:a series 45:Part of 1334:4310854 802:Gallery 710:  655:Atatürk 651:topless 589:  566:Mashhad 554:suicide 549:  530:chadors 431:Islamic 427:  416:Persian 281:Fahisha 210:Britain 187:Yashmak 167:Safseri 162:Paranja 147:Kurhars 127:Jilbaab 97:Burkini 92:Boshiya 55:Islamic 1990:  1980:  1953:  1908:  1878:  1830:  1808:  1802:164734 1800:  1747:  1722:  1716:164734 1714:  1681:  1657:  1637:  1594:  1568:  1468:  1389:  1378:  1332:  1273:  1228:  1191:  1150:  1109:  1081:  1054:  1023:  992:  843:, 1936 764:chador 759:such. 732:regime 659:Tehran 609:Tehran 507:Tehran 465:Turkey 439:chador 398:(also 390:Persia 337:Wimple 301:Zenana 296:Purdah 255:Turkey 225:France 215:Canada 182:Tudong 177:Shayla 157:Niqaab 152:Mukena 142:Khimar 112:Chador 107:Çarşaf 58:female 36:Ashraf 2035:(PDF) 1806:S2CID 1798:JSTOR 1720:S2CID 1712:JSTOR 1330:JSTOR 906:Hujum 695:‹The 574:‹The 534:‹The 435:hijab 322:Hujum 309:Other 276:Awrah 220:Egypt 122:Hijab 102:Burqa 77:Abaya 68:Types 61:dress 32:Shams 26:wife 2017:2021 1988:OCLC 1978:ISBN 1951:ISBN 1906:ISBN 1876:ISSN 1828:ISBN 1745:ISBN 1679:ISBN 1655:ISSN 1635:ISBN 1592:ISBN 1566:ISBN 1511:help 1466:ISBN 1442:2017 1387:ISBN 1376:ISBN 1299:2020 1271:ISBN 1226:ISBN 1189:ISBN 1148:ISBN 1107:ISBN 1079:ISBN 1052:ISBN 1021:ISBN 990:ISSN 638:and 437:and 425:lit. 408:and 386:Iran 291:Haya 235:Iran 117:Haik 34:and 1790:doi 1704:doi 1322:doi 841:Qom 754:it. 498:Qom 402:as 384:of 2063:: 2000:^ 1986:. 1929:^ 1886:^ 1863:^ 1846:. 1804:. 1796:. 1786:26 1784:. 1759:^ 1718:. 1710:. 1700:26 1698:. 1633:, 1629:; 1606:^ 1576:^ 1547:^ 1528:^ 1502:: 1500:}} 1496:{{ 1480:^ 1450:^ 1431:. 1410:^ 1342:^ 1328:. 1318:26 1316:. 1290:. 1265:; 1236:^ 1199:^ 1187:, 1179:: 1158:^ 1146:, 1142:; 1117:^ 1101:, 1062:^ 1031:^ 1000:^ 968:^ 708:.› 661:: 607:, 587:.› 547:.› 422:, 418:: 414:, 49:on 2019:. 1994:. 1959:. 1914:. 1857:. 1812:. 1792:: 1753:. 1726:. 1706:: 1600:. 1513:) 1509:( 1492:. 1474:. 1444:. 1384:. 1336:. 1324:: 1301:. 717:( 388:( 369:e 362:t 355:v

Index


Reza Shah's
Tadj ol-Molouk
Shams
Ashraf
a series
Islamic
female
dress
Types
Abaya
Al-amira
Battoulah
Boshiya
Burkini
Burqa
Çarşaf
Chador
Haik
Hijab
Jilbaab
Kerudung
Kimeshek
Khimar
Kurhars
Mukena
Niqaab
Paranja
Safseri
Selendang

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