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396:) and the decision by Ivan that the Russian side would not "lower itself to the level of other European monarchies and send a diplomatic mission to Poland begging for him to become a king". During the second interregnum, in 1574, the candidature of Ivan IV was even highly regarded in Poland, but the Moscow diplomatic mission that arrived in Poland had no orders or prerogatives to negotiate that matter. Eventually, the disappointed pro-Ivan faction, represented by
500:(Warsaw Compact), which guaranteed, at least formally, equality for non-Catholic nobles in the Commonwealth. However, the adopted convention was an unprecedentedly liberal act for its time, such full equality was never achieved in reality even within the Commonwealth itself. Taking into account that most divisions of the time, if not dynastic ones, were religious and the relationship between the Catholic and the Eastern Orthodox
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The idea was again proposed in 1656 to 1658, when Moscow suggested that one of the points of negotiations would be the election of the
Russian Czar for the Polish-Lithuanian throne. This time, it was the Polish side that presented demands (conversion to Catholicism and territorial changes) that
508:
Thus, while the idea of a Polish–Lithuanian–Muscovite
Commonwealth was supported early on by some progressive and secular Polish diplomats, the efforts of the few could not in the end overcome Russian opposition to Catholicism and the fear that such a union would spell Catholic domination over
303:, which was already occurring with the Lithuanian and the Ruthenian nobility, and a growing danger stemming from the increasing number of peasant and even noble refugees escaping the Russian Empire, to which Russian Czar Ivan responded with the policy of violent repressions, the so-called
425:
in Russia. After Batory's death in 1587, Feodor I became interested in acquiring the Polish-Lithuanian throne and sent a diplomatic mission to Poland. His support among the
Lithuanians was high, but Poles issued several demands, such as requiring Fedors's conversion to
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were strained at best, it remains surprising that such an idea was seriously considered at all. It remains equally unlikely that such an idea could have been accepted by the
Russian side because the view towards Catholicism in the Russian Empire was highly negative.
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an elaborated idea of a union between Poland–Lithuania and Russia. The subjects of both rulers were to be free to serve the other ruler, travel to the other country, contract marriages with the other ruler's subjects, own land and go study in the other country.
416:
The mixed circle of proponents of the idea saw an opportunity in Russia after the death of Ivan the
Terrible, the last Russian ruler of the time whose legitimacy was never questioned. The proposal was revived soon after Ivan's death through the reigns of
291:(non-Orthodox religions, especially Catholicism, were persecuted in Russia, unlike in Commonwealth, which allowed all faiths to be preached) and free movement of people (according to Polish scholars). To transform the Russian
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of 1569). However, all proposals presented by the Polish-Lithuanian side were rejected by the
Russian Czar. The most promising negotiations took place during 1600, when a Polish-Lithuanian diplomatic mission, led by
160:. A number of serious attempts by various means to create such a union took place between 1574 and 1658 and in the late 18th century, but it never materialized because of the incompatible demands from both sides.
53:
215:, had listed several arguments in its favour: peace on the turbulent eastern border, a powerful military ally and relatively sparsely-populated territories (compared to the Commonwealth) for colonisation and
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was elected the king of Poland and grand duke of
Lithuania. The death of Feodor prompted Sigismund to propose his candidacy for the Moscow throne, but by the time the diplomatic mission arrived in Moscow,
738:
400:, issued a statement in the Sejm: "The Great Prince of Muscovy would be the best choice for king, but because of his silence we are forced to forget him and should not mention him again".
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of 1596 was a further argument for the
Orthodox opponents of the closer ties between Russia and the Commonwealth, who argued that it was the prelude to the Catholicisation of Russia.
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eventually discouraged
Russians from pursuing the project. In 1658, the Sejm elected Tsar Alexis I as King, but the decision was annulled by the protest of the Catholic church.
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of Czar Ivan's son. However, Wladyslaw was never officially enthroned, and his quick election remained in history as one of the fluke events of the Time of
Troubles.
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361:. He had substantial support in Poland, especially among the lesser and the middle nobility, which saw in him an opportunity to limit the growing power of the
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etc.) up to the creation of one country by using the framework of that led to the creation of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in the first place (
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The very possibility that such an idea could have been seriously considered by the Polish side early on was likely based on the spirit of the 1573
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Between Imperial Temptation and Anti-Imperial Function in Eastern European Politics: Poland from the Eighteenth to Twenty-First Century
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modelled on the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth would have proven to be a too ambitious project. Many Russians were afraid of
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Finally, the idea returned in the 18th century, when the last Polish king and Lithuanian grand duke,
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595:(Russian population exodus into the Rzeczpospolita), Promemoria journal, October 2004 nr. (5/15),
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between the Commonwealth and Russia and various economic and political agreements (elimination of
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Although Moscow was willing to agree to some parts of the proposed treaties (like
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450:, which was accompanied by a decisive Polish-Lithuanian armed intervention, the
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Federalism or Force: A Sixteenth-Century Project for Eastern and Central Europe
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and other papal emissaries, who never ceased to entertain the idea of bringing
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The idea was first broached in the 16th century, after the death of the last
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Szkice z dziejów federalizmu i myśli federalistycznych w czasach nowożytnych
251:'s power and thus grant them a much higher status than enjoyed previously.
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697:, "Uczonyje zapiski Saratowskowo uniwersiteta", t. XXXIX, Saratow, 1954
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With the legitimacy issues clouding the entire period of the rule of
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Russian Endeavors for the Polish Crown in the Seventeenth Century
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K woprosu o kandidatiure Iwana IV na polskij prestoł (1572-1576)
388:, territorial demands by Ivan (who wanted former territories of
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248:
722:, Slavic Review, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Spring, 1982), pp. 59–72
29:
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Warfare, State and Society on the Black Sea Steppe, 1500-1700
243:'s candidacy) for various reasons, such as the fact that the
704:, "Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce"', t. XVI, 1971, s.85-95
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Plany unii polsko-moskiewskiej na przełomie XVI i XVII wieku
690:, "Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce", t. XV, 1970, s.89-99
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Idea unii polsko-rosyjskiej na przełomie XVI i XVII wieku
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Ivan IV of Russia was a candidate for the Polish throne.
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of the Commonwealth, if applied in Russia, would weaken
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Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth–Russian Empire relations
702:
Rosyjska kandydatura na tron polski u schyłku XVI wieku
593:"Zbiegostwo ludności Rosji w granice Rzeczypospolitej"
526:, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as part of Russia
357:("the Terrible") became a popular candidate among the
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Władysław Vasa of Poland claimed the Russian throne.
60:. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
676:, "Przegląd Współczesny", t. XXIV, 1928, s.392-402
287:of crime suspects), it strictly opposed points on
547:, Slavic Euroasian Studies, Hokkaido University,
254:The proposals then revolved around introducing a
739:Ruthenians in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
571:, "Unia Troista", Wydawnictwo UJ, 1999, Kraków,
430:, an entirely unthinkable event. Eventually,
207:, including the influential secular thinkers
8:
275:, arrived in Moscow. Sapieha presented to
69:"Polish–Lithuanian–Muscovite Commonwealth"
625:The Russo-Polish Historical Confrontation
120:Learn how and when to remove this message
519:Polish–Lithuanian–Ruthenian Commonwealth
478:Proposal of the last Commonwealth's king
142:Polish–Lithuanian–Muscovite Commonwealth
18:Polish-Lithuanian-Muscovite Commonwealth
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219:. The idea was also supported by the
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136:Map showing Russia and Poland in 1595
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235:found the proposal attractive (like
58:adding citations to reliable sources
648:. Taylor and Francis. p. 216.
439:had been elected as the new Czar.
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392:, which was under the control of
452:Polish–Muscovite War (1605–1618)
148:that would have been based on a
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681:Poselstwo Lwa Sapieha do Moskwy
175:) and has also been called the
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45:needs additional citations for
154:Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
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484:Stanisław August Poniatowski
322:Polish-Lithuanian succession
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502:branches of Christianities
363:Polish-Lithuanian magnates
375:Great Scribe of Lithuania
421:in the Commonwealth and
605:Table of Content online
462:and the brief reign of
340:Grand Duke of Lithuania
264:free movement of people
644:Davies, Brian (2014).
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185:Polish–Muscovite Union
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27:Proposed state merger
498:Warsaw Confederation
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181:unia polsko-rosyjska
177:Polish–Russian Union
54:improve this article
491:Catherine the Great
371:diplomatic missions
289:religious tolerance
205:Lithuanian nobility
754:Proposed countries
610:2006-03-12 at the
432:Sigismund III Vasa
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404:Russian succession
382:Jędrzej Taranowski
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744:Tsardom of Russia
718:Zbigniew Wojcik,
614:, Polish language
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378:Michał Harraburda
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52:Please help
47:verification
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565:Jerzy Malec
509:Orthodoxy.
428:Catholicism
390:Kievan Rus'
367:interregnum
285:extradition
273:Lew Sapieha
213:Lew Sapieha
733:Categories
531:References
306:oprichnina
80:newspapers
700:B.Flora,
601:1509-9091
394:Lithuania
195:Rationale
183:) or the
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608:Archived
513:See also
468:impostor
423:Feodor I
373:(led by
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241:Feodor I
156:and the
667:Sources
342:of the
317:History
295:into a
293:Czardom
221:Jesuits
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167:as the
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352:Czar
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