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his cell leader, Manuel Martí, to contact the leaders of the ABC to solicit support for the fledgling movement. The ABC leadership took a dim view of the issues raised by the conspirators, fearing their call for greater equality in the military would undermine discipline and foment revolt, consequently imperiling their position in the Céspedes government. The rejection by the ABC led to the resignation of
Batista and some fellow conspirators from the organization."
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close ties with the disgraced dictator was enough to ensure his arrest. Many police officers abandoned their posts after becoming targets of mob violence. A national debate ensued over how to 'purify' the army. By the end of August, the Céspedes government arrested twenty-one officers and fifty soldiers, but no one thought the purification process should stop there."
655:
Directory, which had been left out of the government, to dictate a plan of action for the Céspedes government. There were also reports that officers were going to former
President Menocal's ranch, El Chico, to plot the overthrow of the provisional government. Officers were speaking out publicly on government policy on a wide array of issues."
368:
We had gained a great deal of confidence; we were on the point of overthrowing Céspedes; and this movement at Camp
Columbia might be the vehicle for that overthrow. These circumstances prompted us to get moving. We set out for Columbia to see what was going on, to figure out what we should do, and to
565:
Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 54. "The armed forces and police were unable and unwilling to control the mobs, because they themselves were suspect. As the bulwarks of
Machado's regime, the military and police were viewed with apprehension and disdain. The slightest suggestion that soldier or officer had
382:
On
September 3 and 4 some of the lower-ranking officers at Columbia barracks directly raised issues of back pay and promotions with the senior officers. On September 4, Captain Mario Torres Menier appeared at a meeting of the enlisted men at Camp Columbia. Batista allowed him to enter. The soldiers
700:
Whitney (2001), p. 101. "On
September 3 and 4, at the Camp Columbia Barracks outside of Havana, a group of Non-Commissioned Officers (NCOs), sergeants, corporals, and enlisted men confronted their senior officers over issues of back pay, living conditions, and promotion possibilities. The officers
644:
Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 60. "Efforts to broadcast and publish the manifesto accelerated after the Hernández burial. Over the course of several days, Batista took the manifesto to the ABC and asked them to broadcast it over their radio station, but they declined to do so. Batista attempted through
371:
When we left for
Columbia, we did not even remotely consider — in spite of the psychological determinism that will soon become evident — that the sergeants would constitute the ultimate solution to the military conflict Machado had left behind. Perhaps — we felt more or less subconsciously — this
320:
A group of sergeants began meeting at the
Columbia barracks, forming the Columbia Military Union. Their ambition to improve conditions in the army quickly expanded to a plan for regime change. This group, later called the Junta of the Eight (despite uncertainty about numbers) included Batista and
303:
Critics of the Céspedes government, including within the military, charged that it was not taking sufficient action against
Machado's backers within the military, and that it had failed to reinstate officers who had opposed Machado. This situation exacerbated longstanding tension (related to age,
596:
Aguilar (1972), pp. 159–160. "Already on August 26, 1933, a so-called "Junta de los Ocho," formed by dissatisfied sergeants, began to meet in the enlisted men's club at the
Columbia military barracks. The result was the formation of the Columbia Military Union. The program of this junta aimed at
432:
The junta of officers and students proclaimed that it had taken power in order to fulfill the aims of the revolution; it briefly described a program which included economic restructuring, punishment of wrongdoers, recognition of public debts, creation of courts, political reorganization, and any
287:
in its cabinet. Other groups from the Machado opposition were unsatisfied with the provisional government, which to them represented an unacceptable compromise with US interventionism. On August 24, the Student Directory issued a Manifesto-Program that denounced the ABC and made various demands,
575:
Carrillo (1994). "This policy, in terms of the watchwords of punishment and purge, meant refusing to court-martial officers gravely implicated with the deposed regime; nor did it allow a purge of the Army by retiring older, high-ranking officers with responsibilities derived from exercising the
654:
Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 56. "For lessons on loyalty, the sergeants and enlisted men needed only to observe the actions of their superiors, who were openly plotting against Céspedes. Just days after the new president was sworn in, several junior officers met with representatives of the Student
394:
From this moment forward, do not obey anyone's orders but mine. First sergeants must immediately take control of their respective military units. If there is no first sergeant, or if he refuses to take command, the senior sergeant must do so. If there is no sergeant, a corporal. If there is no
328:
A funeral for Sergeant Miguel Ángel Hernández y Rodríguez, captured and killed by the Machado government in May 1933, took place on 19 August 1933. This gave Batista the opportunity to do a passionate oration which brought him attention as a future leader. At the funeral he met with journalist
300:, and took their revenge on supporters of the Machado regime, including police and some soldiers. The military was reluctant to intervene in this situation lest the public perceive it as an agent of the old regime. Arrest of 50 soldiers and 21 officers did not satisfy demands for reform.
336:
In August the group of sergeants created a manifesto calling for dignity, respect, and benefits for soldiers, and declaring the duty of soldiers to rebel. Batista asked the ABC, to which he belonged, to publicize the manifesto. The ABC, which had established itself as part of the
383:
made their complaints with mounting enthusiasm; Torres Menier withdrew to consult with other superior officers. Another meeting was scheduled for 8PM. In the interim, leaders of the coup rallied their supporters. Batista contacted Carbó and secured the support of
419:
After President Céspedes returned on September 5, members of the junta arrived at his office and informed him that they were to receive the government from him. Swayed by their claim to command the allegiance of the military rank and file, Céspedes vacated the
399:
Thus the sergeants took uncontested control of Columbia barracks and soon established communications with sympathetic officers in other cities. Members of the Student Directory—beginning with José Leyva, Ramiro Valdés Daussá, Juan António Rubio Padilla,
353:
and a military hospital. These preparations became somewhat obvious, but meetings continued to occur on the pretext of planning projects to improve quality of life for enlisted men. The action mostly took place in Havana, with some outreach to
597:
organizing the lower ranks of the army in order to obtain better conditions and better opportunities for promotion. Soon, realizing the disorganization and weakness of the high-ranking officers they began to plot a general insurrection.
576:
commands of regiments during the fallen regime. Neither were the enlisted ranks purged, especially of those (including Batista) who had organized the homage to President Machado ten days after the death of student leader Rafael Trejo.
372:
might be an opportunity to bring down the Plattist regime Ambassador Welles had imposed and, after a very brief intermediate step, we might achieve an easy formula of happy adjustment to the apparatus of the state.
543:
Aguilar (1972), pp. 157–159. "The Program was a severe denunciation of the provisional government, the ABC, and the whole political power structure. It began by accusing the groups in power of a triple treason:
736:
Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 62. "Ironically, on the way back to Havana, the conspirators passed the motorcade of President Céspedes on his way east to check on recent hurricane damage in Matanzas and Las Villas."
701:
refused to listen to the demands of the rebels and abruptly withdrew from Camp Columbia. As a result, the lower-rank soldiers found themselves in control of the barracks and in a de facto state of mutiny."
408:
damage, the rebels forced the remaining government officers in Havana to leave their posts. They then issued a proclamation announcing that they were in control of the country, and set up a
933:
578:
Even the extremely conservative Colonel Cosme de la Torriente noted the terribly grave error of President Céspedes, the military, and the commanders of the August 11 coup "
465:
issued a number of reformist declarations but never gained diplomatic recognition from the US; it was overthrown in January 1934 under pressure from Batista and the US.
450:
The coup displaced 900 officers from command. Of these, 200 rejoined the armed forces under Batista; 300 went into retirement, exile, or prison; and 400 gathered at the
943:
269:
beginning in 1929 plunged Cuba into an economic and social crisis, amidst which opposition groups proliferated. Pressure and demonstrations by the
404:, Rubén de León, and Justo Carrillo—came to the barracks and joined forces with the army. While President Céspedes was away from Havana to survey
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458:, in which the higher-ranking officers were eliminated. Batista, having pushed Rodríguez out of power, emerged as the foremost leader.
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in September 1933. It began as a revolt of sergeants and enlisted men in the military, who soon allied with student activists in the
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willing corporal, then a soldier, and if not, then a recruit. The units must have someone in command and he must be an enlisted man.
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The meeting that evening took place in a theater. The senior officers had been excluded. Batista spoke from onstage, declaring:
421:
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Other factions within the military were also plotting against the Céspedes government, and some spoke openly against it.
719:
Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 68. His footnote: "I owe this account to Adam y Silva, who quotes an eyewitness to the event;
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100:
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other members of his ABC cell, as well as Pablo Rodríguez, whom some perceived to be the group's leader, and
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Both Grau and Batista visited Welles on September 5 to seek support from the US and ascertain its position.
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After the fall of Machado, the military perceived its situation as precarious. Opposition forces controlled
170:
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552:) to Cuba by openly admitting that her people were incapable of determining their nation's destiny, (
723:, 158–164. Chester's account, on most points, closely mirrors the details provided by Adam y Silva;
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548:) to the Revolution by sanctioning the illegal pre-revolutionary political structure, (
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as president, installing a new government led by a five-man coalition, known as the
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other actions necessary to construct a new Cuba based on justice and democracy.
895:
State and Revolution in Cuba: Mass Mobilization and Political Change, 1920–1940
616:
Jose Lopez Vilaboy (1973). "CARLOS MANUEL DE CESPEDES, WELLES Y LA MEDIACIÓN".
349:
As the movement grew, the plotters met in larger venues, including the masonic
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339:
284:
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led a provisional government that included members of the opposition group
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Only five days after the coup, Batista and the Student Directory promoted
84:
297:
76:
241:. After only five days, the Pentarchy gave way to the presidency of
333:, who acted as an important contact for him in the civilian world.
311:
861:(1985), Institute of Interamerican Studies, University of Miami,
556:) to Latin America by approving Yankee meddling and penetration."
223:
625:(in Spanish). Editora de Libros Puerto Rico Inc. p. 161.
343:
government, refused, and Batista and others left the group.
273:(Student Directory) and workers, as well by US Ambassador
849:. New Brunswick & London: Transaction Publishers.
443:, one of the members of the Pentarchy, to the role of
832:Fulgencio Batista: From Revolutionary to Strongman
518:[University Student Directory of 1927].
304:class, and race) between the ranks of officers.
366:
32:
619:Motivos y culpables de las destrucción de Cuba
522:(in Spanish). Hialeah, Florida. Archived from
516:"Directorio Estudiantil Universitario de 1927"
55:, leaders in the government formed by the coup
744:
742:
387:, a rebel who opposed Machado for two years.
288:including the formation of a new government.
8:
879:(2nd ed.). ABC-CLIO. pp. 66–71.
859:Cuba 1933: estudiantes, yanquis y soldados
847:Cuba 1933: Students, Yankees, and Soldiers
38:
29:
897:. University of North Carolina Press.
507:
249:. The leader of the revolt, Sergeant
27:Coup d'etat in Cuba in September 1933
7:
934:1930s coups d'état and coup attempts
271:Directorio Estudiantil Universitario
228:Directorio Estudiantil Universitario
141:Directorio Estudiantil Universitario
281:Carlos Manuel de Céspedes y Quesada
235:Carlos Manuel de Céspedes y Quesada
160:Carlos Manuel de Céspedes y Quesada
97:Carlos Manuel de Céspedes y Quesada
25:
817:Cuba 1933: Prologue to Revolution
775:Argote-Freyre (2006), pp. 77–80.
710:Argote-Freyre (2006), pp. 64–68.
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316:Flag used by the revolutionaries
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130:
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377:Student activist Justo Carrillo
369:see what we could accomplish.
261:The authoritarian policies of
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830:Argote-Freyre, Frank (2006).
520:Directorio Democrático Cubano
245:, whose term is known as the
944:Republic of Cuba (1902–1959)
873:Staten, Clifford L. (2015).
834:. Rutgers University Press.
819:. Cornell University Press.
802:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 58.
793:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 81.
766:Aguilar (1972), pp. 163–164.
757:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 75.
748:Aguilar (1972), pp. 161–162.
682:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 62.
673:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 63.
664:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 61.
635:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 59.
606:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 57.
587:Argote-Freyre (2006), p. 55.
456:Battle of the Hotel Nacional
412:modeled on the then-current
277:, forced Machado to resign.
893:Whitney, Robert W. (2001).
463:One Hundred Days Government
447:, replacing the Pentarchy.
247:One Hundred Days Government
101:One Hundred Days Government
960:
939:Political history of Cuba
845:Carrillo, Justo. (1994).
815:Aguilar, Luis E. (1972).
480:Timeline of Cuban history
212:Revolución cubana de 1933
146:
111:
59:
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725:A Sergeant Named Batista
691:Carrillo (1994), p. 138.
204:Cuban Revolution of 1933
33:Cuban Revolution of 1933
171:Carlos Saladrigas Zayas
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374:
358:soon before the coup.
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211:
147:Commanders and leaders
18:Sergeants' Revolt
929:September 1933 events
857:. English version of
784:Staten (2015), p. 69.
414:government of Uruguay
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112:Government-Insurgents
402:Carlos Prío Socarrás
876:The History of Cuba
422:Presidential Palace
385:Juan Blas Hernández
214:), also called the
67:September 4–5, 1933
351:Gran Logia de Cuba
318:
125:Government of Cuba
924:Conflicts in 1933
840:978-0-8135-3701-6
356:Matanzas Province
251:Fulgencio Batista
239:Pentarchy of 1933
233:The coup deposed
222:that occurred in
216:Sergeants' Revolt
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49:Sergio Carbó
495:Cuba portal
220:coup d'etat
913:Categories
530:2015-03-19
502:References
441:Ramón Grau
340:status quo
308:Conspiracy
257:Background
243:Ramón Grau
184:Ramón Grau
95:President
45:Ramón Grau
445:President
410:Pentarchy
406:hurricane
51:and Sgt.
727:, 60–63.
469:See also
292:Military
265:and the
218:, was a
103:created.
85:Matanzas
72:Location
810:Sources
208:Spanish
901:
883:
865:
853:
838:
823:
298:Havana
92:Result
77:Havana
623:(PDF)
428:Junta
899:ISBN
881:ISBN
863:ISBN
851:ISBN
836:ISBN
821:ISBN
362:Coup
224:Cuba
202:The
182:Dr.
64:Date
285:ABC
915::
741:^
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416:.
325:.
230:.
210::
83:,
79:,
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905:.
889:.
869:.
842:.
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554:c
550:b
546:a
544:(
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206:(
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