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life. Keane says that democracy thrives on humility and not on the arrogance of first principles. However, the author warns that the humility should never be confused with docile meekness or submission, but it must be taken as the cardinal democratic virtue, the antidote of arrogant pride: it is the quality of being aware of one's own and others' limits. Keane regards that humility is the crucial element of democratic life as the people who are humble try to live without illusions, dislike vanity, and dishonesty. They dislike the nonsense on stilts and hate the lies and bullshit sitting on thrones.
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these events... Respectable women call BBC Radio 4 programmes to talk about how they would like to "string up" their elected representatives; headlines and commentators seem to compete for the most apocalyptic way of describing a crisis in governance … How to make sense of all this? I was "thrashing around attempting to catch their meaning - and then I read John Keane's The Life and Death of
Democracy …. Contained in this massive book was, among many, many other things, the analytical tool that told me why such a period as we have been living through was more or less inevitable."
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deaths of many different forms of human government, sometimes within very short time periods. Keane's approach is evident from the beginning of this impressive work. Keane experiments with a number of voices, from the polemical to the analytical, and from ironic detachment to involved, lyrical narratives. There are jokes, and in one chapter he takes the guise of a future female historian writing of the first decade of the twenty-first century. His aim is to carry the reader through a long and sometimes complex history, and I think he succeeds."
632:, democracy has entered a new phase, which he calls Monitory democracy. He explains that during the first half of the twentieth century, the Representative model faced its deepest crisis. Parliaments proved to be not strong enough to defend democracy from economic collapse and the rise of various forms of dictatorial and totalitarian rule. The system of representative democracy based purely on representation showed its limits and fragility; the use of mass communication media (the press, the radio, and cinema) helped populist leaders like
604:) of the first parliaments, and the conflicts unleashed by self-governing councils and religious dissent within the Christian Church, democracy came to be understood as representative democracy in this second phase. Contrary to what other sources have often suggested, Keane points out that the oldest roots of that democratic model are in fact undemocratic. The first parliament was not English, but Spanish. Keane locates the birth of representative parliaments in the cloisters of San Isidoro Church, in
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of the word and of the actual meaning of representation (who was entitled to represent whom and what had to be done when representatives disregarded those whom they were supposed to represent ) was by no means an easy task to accomplish. Much ink and blood was spilled. The representative model of democracy as we know it is for Keane the result of many and different power conflicts, many of them bitterly fought in opposition to ruling groups, whether they were church
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is that he has illuminating discussions of societies ranging across time and space from the ancient Near East and Athens—one of his important theses is that we overestimate the "invention of democracy" by Athens by ignoring evidence of the significance of "assemblies" in the Near East well before the Greeks—to contemporary developments in Asia, Africa and Latin
America as well as more predictable discussions of Europe and North America.
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563:, Keane argues that the history of democracy can be divided into three different phases. These correspond to three different governing models: the assembly, the representative, and the monitory. The first two are quite known, the third is the brainchild of Keane's study of the subject. Accordingly, the book is divided into three different sections.
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of monitory bodies have transformative effects on the core institutions of representative democracy: nation states are still important, but power-holders (representatives) are subject increasingly to unprecedented scrutiny from within and across borders, and outside the conventional mechanism of periodic elections and parliamentary representation.
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proposes that democratic assemblies have
Eastern origins but also strongly questions the old assumption that democracy is a universal norm that reflects Western values. Keane argues that the future of democracy is not tied neither to the West, nor to representative democracy, its currently the most widely adopted form. See for instance, the
520:
creation of self-governing communities that needed to exist independently from the metropolis. The first experiments in female suffrage were made on the fringes of the
British Empire: for imperial reasons, women were given the vote on Pitcairn Island in 1838. Furthermore, Keane's historical works shows that those fringes were important
826:'s (Social Europe Journal, August 2009) wrote: "This is an extraordinary book which tells us almost as much about the future of our democracy as it does about the past and the present. It shows us how fragile is democracy and reminds us that, despite its recent shortcomings, we rather like democracy and rather take it for granted."
843:
Sanford
Levinson for the History Book Club wrote: John Keane has written an astounding, truly audacious, book. Indeed, it may be the first attempt at a comprehensive survey of "democracy" in well over a century. To describe it as "comprehensive" is no idle gesture. One reason for its 1000-page length
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Keane asserts that it is crucial to rid democracy of its demons and speak of it only in terms of humbling. He writes "to redescribe the democratic ideal as a potentially universal check against every form of humbug and hubris, as a humble and humbling ideal that gathers strength from the vision that,
519:
Keane's book also shows that ideas of democratic governance have flourished in many different places and were often sparked by undemocratic ideas and actions. The road to democracy was often paved by opposite intentions. For instance, Keane shows that one effect of the early
Islamic expansion was the
837:
Brenton Holmes from the
Canberra Times wrote: If democracies and their defenders are "sleepwalking their way into deep trouble", John Keane's latest tome The Life and Death of Democracy delivers the kind of slap that should rouse even the most comatose of them. Or more likely, it would concuss them.
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Historically speaking, due to its intricate network of institutions and inner dynamics, Keane considers
Monitory democracy to be the most complex form of democracy ever. He emphasizes that its fruitful evolution is not to be taken for granted. Democracy is in a continuous state of flux. According to
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Yet it took several centuries before the term representation began to be used in conjunction with democracy. The birthplace of talk of 'representative democracy' – unknown to the Greeks - was late-eighteenth century France, England, and the new
American republic. To find a common accepted definition
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The first section deals with the origins of democracy and the
Assembly Model. It locates the origins of public assemblies not in Athens but in the Middle East two thousands years before Pericles. And from that original cradle in Syria and Mesopotamia, early assembly democracy slowly moved westwards,
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After World War II, alongside parliamentary politics (typical of the representative model), "many different kinds of extra-parliamentary, power-scrutinising mechanisms" emerged. Keane calls these mechanisms "monitory bodies"; they function both from within the state and cross-borders. The emergence
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civilization (c. 1500-1200 BCE) that was centred on Mycenae and other urban settlements of the Peloponnese region. Similarly, Keane adds, contrary to what other scholars have pointed out, "the democratic practice of self-governing assemblies is also not a Greek innovation" but instead its roots are
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From Keane's history, democracy emerges less as a set of fixed principles and much more as a culture and mindset—pragmatic, anti-authoritarian, accepting of change and contingency and the ability of ordinary people to shape them. Democracy is first and foremost a uniquely humble and humbling way of
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An important mainstay of Keane's account of the history of democracy is the need to understand the inner fragility of democracy – in fact for the author that is a precondition for the survival of democracy. By 1941, in fact as Keane points out, there were only 11 functioning democracies left in the
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provided the key source material for the opening timeline (2500 BCE to 1770 CE) featured at the new Museum of Australian Democracy. Located in the Old Parliament House, in the capital city of Canberra, the museum was officially opened on 9 May 2009 by the former Australian Prime Minister, the Hon
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David Runciman from The Observer writes that Keane's book "is a remarkable book, nearly 1,000 pages long and with something to be learnt from almost every one of them. Still," Runcimans adds "it's longer than it needs to be. Keane has travelled widely and thought deeply about his subject, but his
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The Times of London columnist David Aaronovitch wrote that in May 2009 referring to the bewildering weeks in the recent history of British democracy, namely, the expense claims scandal surrounding Westminster: "What a difference a book can make. I had been as confused as any other observers about
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At the core of Keane's book is the author's belief that history is a necessary key for understanding democracy in the present time. Keane's worldwide perspective is an important corrective to the (mainly Western) idea that democracy has one and only distinctive form; one type of model that can be
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Ben Wilson from the pages of the Literary Review wrote: "It has become something of a fashion to write 'biographies' of inanimate things and ideas: fighter planes, football clubs, numbers, scientific theories, and so on. Despite its title, this is no such thing; rather, it is about the lives and
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Some examples of these extra-parliamentary power-monitoring institutions include public integrity commissions, judicial activism, local courts, workplace tribunals, consensus conferences, parliaments for minorities, public interest litigation, citizens' juries, citizens' assemblies, independent
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The book unearths many discoveries which are not a merely antiquarian exercise, for it is argued that these are historical facts that force us to rethink some of the core ideas that have influenced historians of the past, and, more importantly, shape the politics of the present. Keane not only
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Sunil Khilnani from The Financial Times wrote that "Keane successfully expands our sense of democracy's origins, deftly traces its global reach, and rightly insists on the contingent, historical character of democracy, its emergence and evolution through unintended moves that have enabled its
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Coming in at just under a thousand pages, it is not a book for the faint-hearted. Nor is it a book to be shelved until one has a month free to wade through it. Reading it feels more like surfing than wading, with all the associated plunging and soaring — and the occasional wipe-out.
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to gain consensus and almost destroy democracy as it had been hitherto known. The crisis in fact culminated in total war (1939–1945) and 'near-destruction worldwide of democratic institutions and ways of life by the storms of mechanized war, dictatorship and totalitarian rule'.
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world. In less than 50 years, the work of many dictators and demagogues in the name of 'the people' had almost succeeded in wiping democracy from the pages of our history books. The present time is no different, Keane warns: "the enemies of democracy are on the rise".
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The book tries to locate the family of origin of the word democracy and tries to explore the evolution and mutations of the language and institutions of democracy through the centuries. It also takes up the varied and disputed meanings of the word. Looking beyond the
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was extinguished by settlers who thought of themselves as fair-minded, God-respecting men and women of the improving classes". And Australians were the first to experiment with ideas of proportional representation and the secret ballot.
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brought as a gift to people with different attitudes and histories. There is no such a thing as a singular form of democracy. Following the line of thinking that history is the only way we can make sense of what democracy means,
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Paul Pickering from the pages of the Sydney Morning Herald wrote: "this is ambitious study charts the rise of a political system and ponders its future. A product of a decade of research and writing, this is a work of enduring
462:(Greece), considered by many to be the cradle of democracy, was an important era in the development of democracy, but certainly not its point of origin. The origin of the idea of this new way of governing stretch beyond the
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provides fresh details of the obscure origins of old institutions and ideals like government by public assembly, female enfranchisement, the secret ballot, trial by jury, and parliamentary representation.
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continual reinvention. So sweeping a study must necessarily stand on others' shoulders but here Keane is slack. He fails to provide adequate footnotes for ideas, specific examples and phrases."
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In August Keane's book featured among the books recommended by the Daily Beast, the news reporting and opinion website published by Tina Brown, former editor of Vanity Fair and The New Yorker
771:'Publishers Weekly' wrote Keane's "study's broad sweep, wealth of detailed knowledge, shrewd insights and fluent, lively prose make it a must-read for scholars and citizens alike"
848:
In June and July 2009 the book occupied the top spot in Amazon's bestseller list for books on democracy in 'Political Science & Ideology' section and in the History section.
35:
620:, landowners or imperial monarchies, often in the name of "the people". The concept of the sovereign "people" was one of the most contested in this second phase.
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The second part of the book is dedicated to the invention of the Representative Model. Shaped by forces as varied as the rebirth of towns, the rise (in northern
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524:. Australia is a case in point: "In the colony of South Australia, first settled in 1836 and later called by many the Paradise of Dissent, the spirit of
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was selected by the Times among the best history books for 'your holiday reading'. The London paper called the book 'the publishing event of the summer'
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Since its first publication in Britain in June 2009 the book has been reviewed by some of the major newspapers and reviews worldwide.
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the book, democracy is not a done deal or something accomplished but still an unfinished experiment that "thrives on imperfection".
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The third part of the book is dedicated to the evolution of democracy since 1945. In Keane's view, after
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The starting point in Keane's history is to reconsider the roots of democracy. Fifth century BCE
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although citizens and representatives require institutions to govern, no body should rule."
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repeated insistence on the originality of what he's doing starts to grate after a while."
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through Phoenicia into the Greek world, where it was to be claimed as a Greek invention.
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Ben Wilson, "Power to the People - The Life and Death of Democracy" in
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alongside must-take holiday items, like women's electric shavers.
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The Life and Death of Democracy by John Keane" 22 June 2009
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by John Keane questions whether our democracy can survive"
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Keane's book deals with the meaning and institutions of
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to be found in the 'East' and, more specifically, in
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Rethinking democracy in the context of world history
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657:' and other novel forms of media scrutiny.
50:Learn how and when to remove these messages
494:and follows its tendrils as far afield as
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282:Learn how and when to remove this message
213:Learn how and when to remove this message
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1082:David Aaranovitch (27 May 2009).
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1146:"What a way to run a country"
1118:The Telegraph, 31 July 2009,
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791:The Daily Telegraph ranked
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1222:The Sydney Morning Herald
1070:Read original review here
522:laboratories of democracy
449:Keane's idea of Democracy
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740:summarize the quotations
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684:may need to be rewritten
596:The Representative Model
249:summarize the quotations
454:Birthplace of democracy
434:published in the UK by
422:2009 book by John Keane
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1134:, June 2009, pp. 36-37
72:relies excessively on
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1315:John Keane's homepage
1258:Read the article here
1254:The History Book Club
1242:Read the article here
1226:Read the article here
1224:, 19 September 2009,
1210:Read the article here
1206:Social Europe Journal
1194:Read the article here
1179:Read the article here
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1108:Read the article here
195:neutral point of view
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1284:Keane, John (2009).
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1175:The Financial Times
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1155:15 November
852:As a source
651:think-tanks
618:hierarchies
590:Mesopotamia
526:aristocracy
468:Mesopotamia
322:Jem Butcher
1334:Categories
1288:. London:
864:References
748:Wikisource
585:Bronze Age
432:John Keane
313:John Keane
257:Wikisource
183:improve it
107:newspapers
74:references
36:improve it
1093:The Times
744:Wikiquote
731:contains
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665:Reception
634:Mussolini
581:Mycenaean
550:Structure
443:democracy
415:225432107
351:Publisher
345:Democracy
253:Wikiquote
240:contains
42:talk page
756:May 2021
655:blogging
577:Linear B
341:Politics
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327:Language
265:May 2021
492:Sumeria
338:History
330:English
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488:Athens
460:Athens
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387:Pages
128:JSTOR
114:books
1294:ISBN
1157:2015
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366:2009
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