733:(“Letters by various authors on ‘quality’ and ‘observation’ in medicine”), a series of seven epistles, each attributed to a different medical writer. The epistles serve as a literary device for discussing methodology, diagnosis, and the importance of ethical and accurate treatment. They are not, or not wholly, fictional; just as Marcellus's work begins with a prefatory epistle addressed to his sons, the seven letters represent prefaces to other authors’ works, some now lost. Marcellus has detached them from the works they headed and presented them collectively, translating, sometimes taking liberties, those originally in Greek, as a kind of bonus for his sons. For instance, the “Letter from
750:
998:, that is also not a distinction between the two; “rich layers of folklore and superstition,” writes Brown, “lie beneath the thin veneer of Hippocratic empiricism” in Marcellus. Nor does the difference lie in the social class of the intended beneficiaries, for both therapeutic systems encompassed “country folk and the common people” as well as senatorial landowners. At the Christian shrines, however, healing required submission to “socially chartered” authority; in Marcellus, the patient or practitioner, often addressed directly as “you,” becomes the agent of his own cure.
965:
257:
514:
2605:
355:, king of the Visigoths, at Narbonne regarding his intentions toward the Roman empire. John Matthews argued that Marcellus, who would have been about 60 at the time, is “clearly the most eligible candidate.” Since Orosius identifies the Gaul only as having served under Theodosius, and as a “devout, cautious, and serious” person, other figures have been put forth as the likely bearer of the Athaulf declaration.
543:, where the reference to divine mercy follows immediately after a passage on barbarian incursions. Marcellus and Augustine are contemporaries, and the use of the phrase is less a question of influence than of the currency of a shared Christian concept. Elsewhere, passages sometimes cited as evidence of Christianity on closer inspection only display the
1001:
While the power of a saint to offer a cure resided within a particular shrine which the patient must visit, health for
Marcellus lay in the interconnectivity of the patient with his environment, the use he actively made of herbs, animals, minerals, dung, language, and transformative processes such as
505:
upper class.” Historians of ancient medicine Carmélia
Opsomer and Robert Halleux note that in his preface, Marcellus infuses Christian concerns into the ancient tradition of “doctoring without doctors.” That Marcellus was at least a nominal Christian is suggested by his appointment to high office by
896:(10.5). Of the dozen or so Celtic plant names, ten are provided with or as synonyms for Greek or Latin names. A preoccupation with naming rather than description is a characteristic also of medieval herbals. The problems of identifying plants may have been an intellectual attraction for Marcellus's
375:
pronounced him the “court physician” of
Theodosius I, but the evidence is thin: Libanius, if referring to this Marcellus, praises his ability to cure a headache. The prevailing view is that Marcellus should be categorized as a medical writer and not a physician. A translator of the medical writings
326:
Marcellus would have entered his office sometime after April 394 A.D., when his predecessor is last attested, and before the emperor's death on
January 17, 395. He was replaced in late November or December of 395, as determined by the last reference to a Marcellus holding office that is dated
415:
and informational or literary writing on a range of subjects, including philosophy, astronomy, agriculture, and the natural sciences. Although medical writing might have been regarded as a lesser achievement, it was a resource for the
782:
lists 262 different plant names in
Marcellus; allowing for synonyms, of which there are many, the number of plants mentioned would be around 131. About 25 of the botanicals most frequently prescribed are “exotica”’ such as
433:
also suggest the interests and concerns of the author — the letter from
Symmachus serves mainly to inquire whether Marcellus can provide thoroughbred horses for games to be sponsored by his son, who has been elected
342:
Given
Rufinus's dealings with the Visigoths, however, it is conceivable that Marcellus should be identified with “a certain former high-ranking official from Narbonne” mentioned by Orosius as present in
453:(“my sweetest”), Marcellus expresses the hope that they and their families will, in case of sickness, find support and remedies in their father's manual, without intervention by doctors (
1192:, son of the emperor who had appointed Marcellus to office, suggesting that it was not circulated until his accession in January 408; see Alan Cameron, “A New Fragment of Eunapius,”
489:
could neither prove nor disprove
Marcellus's religious identity, noting that the few references to Christianity are “commonplace” and that, conversely, charms with references to
287:, translatable as “a distinguished man”; at the time, this phrase was a formal designation of rank, indicating that he had held imperial office. Marcellus's 16th-century editor
1022:, he celebrates ingredients from the far reaches of the empire and the known world (lines 41–67), emphasizing that the Roman practitioner has access to a “global” marketplace.
982:, Peter Brown contrasts the “horizontal” or environmental healing prescribed by Marcellus to the “vertical,” authoritarian healing of his countryman and contemporary St.
815:, which are prescribed live for pulping into a mélange. Availability is possibly a lesser criterion of selection for Marcellus than completeness and variety of interest.
465:(“caring” or perhaps Christian “charity”) to strangers and the poor as well as to their loved ones. The tone, Önnerfors concludes, is “humane and full of gentle humor.”
2144:
918:. Recipes in both Marcellus and the medieval writers tend toward “polypharmacy,” or the use of a great number of ingredients in a single preparation. Many recipes in
795:; these may have been available in Gaul as imports, but only to elite consumers. Other ingredients likely to have been rare for Marcellus’s intended audience include
872:, the plants required by drug recipes were no longer familiar, and the descriptions or illustrations provided by earlier herbals failed to correspond to indigenous
642:
of Gaul. Assuming that the man would have been a native, Matthews weighs this piece of evidence with the
Athaulf anecdote from Orosius to situate the author of the
2037:
626:
An inscription dated 445 recognizes a
Marcellus as the most important financial supporter in the rebuilding of the cathedral at Narbonne, carried out during the
323:
appointed his Bordelaise tutor Ausonius to high office and from Theodosius's extended residence in the western empire during the latter years of his reign.
339:. Marcellus's support may have been pragmatic or superficial; a source that condemns Rufinus heartily praises Marcellus as “the very soul of excellence.”
331:, the calculating politician of Gallic origin who was assassinated November 27 of that year, having failed to resist, or even facilitated, the advance of
501:
describes and sets out to explain what he sees as “the exclusively pagan tone of a book whose author was possibly a Christian writing for a largely
876:. Marcellus's practice of offering synonyms is one attempt to bridge this gap. He often provides a string of correspondences: the Greek plant name
2641:
2631:
1243:
For careful and thoroughly documented conjecture about the political career of Marcellus, see J.F. Matthews, “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,”
861:. Marcellus is seldom cited directly, but his influence, though perhaps not wide or pervasive, can be traced in several medieval medical texts.
555:, for instance, is invoked in an herb-gathering incantation, but the ritual makes use of magico-medical practices of pre-Christian antiquity. A
2656:
2646:
2636:
634:. John Matthews has argued that this Marcellus is likely to have been a son or near descendant of the medical writer, since the family of an
315:
and the identification is consistent with what is known of the author's life and with the politics of the time. His stated connection to the
1134:
edited by Guy Sabbah (Université de Saint-Étienne, 1991), p. 397; Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval
1018:(remedies that are readily available and act directly), despite the many recipes involving more than a dozen ingredients; in the concluding
906:
Another medieval emphasis foreshadowed in Marcellus is a concern for locating ingredients in their native environment, replacing the exotic
594:, the premier god of healing among the Greeks. Marcellus alludes to a Roman version of the myth in which Asclepius restores the dismembered
2137:
749:
858:
442:” manuals were popular among the landowning elite because they offered, as Marcellus promises, a form of self-sufficiency and mastery.
2661:
724:
720:
1528:(Leipzig, 1916), p. 3; discussion of general topic in Brendon Reay, “Agriculture, Writing, and Cato’s Aristocratic Self-Fashioning,”
2486:
2471:
1074:
Les écoles médicales à Rome. Actes du 2ème Colloque international sur les textes médicaux latins antiques, Lausanne, septembre 1986
2651:
2491:
457:). This emphasis on self-reliance, however, is not meant to exclude others, but to empower oneself to help others; appealing to
2609:
2130:
1483:(The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), p. 170; Carmélia Opsomer and Robert Halleux, “Marcellus ou le mythe empirique,” in
2481:
1443:
1413:(Université de Saint-Étienne, 1991), pp. 398–399; Carmélia Opsomer and Robert Halleux, “Marcellus ou le mythe empirique,” in
490:
385:
66:
1496:
Literacy among farm workers at the managerial level was perhaps not meant to be surprising; according to an interlocutor in
2267:
449:
from similar medical manuals, which are in effect if not fact anonymous. In the letter to his sons, whom he addresses as
2666:
1652:
1.8; barbarian incursions are a subject relevant to Marcellus, living in 4th century Gaul under threat of the Visigoths.
1260:
30 (1971), p. 1086, who points out that earlier (in the period 379–88) Spaniards had predominated in Theodosius’s court.
849:. Although the contents of the recipes — their names, uses, and methods of treatment — derive from the medical texts of
2327:
1011:
1933:
Marco Formisano, “Veredelte Bäume und kultivierte Texte. Lehrgedichte in technischen Prosawerken der Spätantike,” in
1132:
Le latin médical: La constitution d’un langage scientifique: réalités et langage de la médecine dans le monde romain,
422:
who traditionally took personal responsibility for the health care of his household, both family members and slaves.
638:
is most likely to have possessed the wealth for such a generous contribution. The donor had served for two years as
2476:
2461:
1505:
327:
November 24 and by the dating of a successor. The timing of his departure suggests that he had been a supporter of
149:
2099:, p. 116: “Il devient sujet actif de sa guérison. … L’homme est engagé, corps et esprit, dans sa propre guérison.”
1661:
On the interpenetration of Christianity and traditional religion and culture in the 4th century, see for instance
2456:
2382:
834:, which Marcellus contrasts to his prose assemblage of prescriptions by asserting his originality in writing it.
2671:
2554:
2466:
2153:
854:
812:
399:, Marcellus is among those aristocratic Gauls of the 4th and 5th centuries who were nominally or even devoutly
312:
319:
makes it likely that he was among the several aristocratic Gauls who benefitted politically when the emperor
2496:
2372:
2217:
868:. As texts associated with Mediterranean medicine traveled west and north with the expanding borders of the
681:
498:
363:
It is not unreasonable but also not necessary to conclude that Marcellus was a practicing physician. In his
2237:
2222:
1497:
1094:
850:
734:
93:
69:. It is a significant if quirky text in the history of European medical writing, an infrequent subject of
1907:, as cited by Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
764:, consisting mainly of recipes both pharmacological and magical, and arranged by convention anatomically
2387:
2362:
964:
438:— and of his intended audience, either the owners of estates or the literate workers who managed them. “
219:
1146:, edited by Katherine E. Stannard and Richard Kay, Variorum Collected Studies Series (Aldershot 1999).
238:; but this inference ignores that Marcellus is said explicitly to have left Spain to return to living
2352:
2347:
2332:
2202:
1570:
Alan Cameron, “A New Fragment of Eunapius,” p. 11; J.F. Matthews, “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,”
1463:(Princeton University Press, 1998); Roland Mayer, “Creating a Literature of Information in Rome,” in
915:
897:
631:
396:
368:
62:
1180:(1963) p. 121, note 75, cited and contradicted by J.F. Matthews, “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,”
478:
2377:
1322:
virum quendam Narbonensem inlustris sub Theodosio militiae, etiam religiosum prudentemque et gravem
933:
482:
426:
273:
110:
1904:
571:
often include nonsense syllables and more-or-less corrupt phrases from “exotic” languages such as
2397:
2312:
2297:
2277:
2207:
2174:
1648:
1427:
1287:
1270:
1206:
831:
639:
539:
534:
377:
296:
227:
211:
141:
1865:, edited by Ruth Morello and A.D. Morrison (Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 218–219 and 230.
1723:
II, 18.5 (1995), p. 3435; see also David E. Aune, “Magic in Early Christianity: Glossolalia and
1039:
191:
The Gallic origin of Marcellus is rarely disputed, and he is traditionally identified with the
2506:
2443:
2418:
2367:
2307:
2242:
769:
707:
677:
2112:(University of Chicago Press, 1981) p. 118; Aline Rousselle, “Du sanctuaire au thaumaturge,”
1755:
15.106, p. 121 in Niedermann; Gustav Must, “A Gaulish Incantation in Marcellus of Bordeaux,”
1504:(2.18), a master ought to require his cattleman to read veterinary excerpts from the work of
2577:
2544:
2302:
2287:
2252:
2179:
1476:
1363:
40 (1991) 507–508, argues for the Gaul named Rusticus who is mentioned in Jerome’s epistles.
1291:
1274:
1214:
1210:
742:
611:
576:
572:
568:
556:
548:
502:
328:
81:
2006:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1980:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1946:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1920:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1887:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1844:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1831:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1583:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
1401:
Jerry Stannard, “Marcellus of Bordeaux and the Beginnings of the Medieval Materia Medica,”
864:
A major change in the approach to writing about botanical pharmacology is signalled in the
2585:
2534:
2519:
2514:
2432:
2322:
2317:
1031:
983:
972:
900:
774:
687:
673:
660:
607:
584:
580:
288:
256:
249:
of his grandfathers — that is, at home as distinguished from Spain. He probably wrote the
246:
61:
preparations drawing on the work of multiple medical and scientific writers as well as on
1665:, “Pagan Apologetics and Christian Intolerance in the Ages of Themistius and Augustine,”
1055:(Leipzig, 1916). The previous Teubner edition had been edited by Georg Helmreich in 1889.
303:, Cornarius's phrase has been taken as a mistaken expansion of the standard abbreviation
1861:
in Ancient Scientific and Technical Literature, with Special Reference to Medicine,” in
598:
to wholeness; as a writer, Marcellus says, he follows a similar course of gathering the
563:— appears as part of a magic charm that the practitioner is instructed to inscribe on a
513:
104:
an “extraordinary mixture of traditional knowledge, popular (Celtic) medicine, and rank
2590:
2524:
2425:
2257:
2169:
2161:
1789:
1372:
1135:
1077:
1003:
937:
845:
768:(“from head to toe,” in the equivalent English expression) as were Marcellus's sources
738:
439:
418:
404:
372:
196:
182:
1874:
Jean-Marie André, “Du serment hippocratique à la déontologie de la médecine romaine,”
1622:
T.D. Barnes and R.W. Westall, “The Conversion of the Roman Aristocracy in Prudentius’
936:, or at least drew on the shared European magico-medical tradition that also produced
2625:
2539:
2282:
2262:
2247:
1763:(Éditions Errance 2003), p.179, citing Léon Fleuriot, “Sur quelques textes gaulois,”
1662:
1430:: The Medical Writings. An English Translation with an Introduction and Commentary,”
1189:
1110:
995:
283:
97:
17:
1805:(Oxford University Press 1975), pp. 340–341, and “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,”
1759:
36 (1960) 193–197; Pierre-Yves Lambert, “Les formules de Marcellus de Bordeaux,” in
384:
as “nothing more than the usual ancient home remedies,” and the historian of botany
1900:
1156:
930:
869:
779:
507:
485:. Historian of botanical pharmacology Jerry Stannard believed that evidence in the
400:
364:
278:
231:
115:
105:
85:
58:
2411:
1950:
15 (1973), pp. 47 and 50, also p. 53, notes 59 and 60, for extensive references.
1007:
700:, addressed to Marcellus's sons, a prose preface equivalent to seven paragraphs.
412:
1461:
The Politics of Latin Literature: Writing, Empire, and Identity in Ancient Rome
2357:
1631:
804:
544:
506:
Theodosius I, who exerted his will to Christianize the empire by ordering the
474:
241:
54:
2116:
31 (1976) p. 1095, quoted by Brown, p. 116, refers to “une thérapie globale.”
1392:(Columbia University Press 1923), p. 584, without citing the specific letter.
857:, the book also points forward to doctrines and approaches characteristic of
2451:
2227:
2194:
968:
827:
715:
591:
344:
336:
200:
174:(his association with which would require that he not be from Bordeaux; see
167:
77:
70:
2122:
1609:
Carmélia Opsomer and Robert Halleux, “Marcellus ou le mythe empirique,” in
1072:
Carmélia Opsomer and Robert Halleux, “Marcellus ou le mythe empirique,” in
1729:
Apocalypticism, Prophecy and Magic in Early Christianity: Collected Essays
884:
in Latin (1.2), then as "what we call rubia" (1.44); in the same chapter
618:
as it is more commonly spelled, for his aid in dispelling throat trouble.
2529:
2337:
2292:
1304:
1036:
Marcelli ... de medicamentis empiricis, physicis ac rationabilibus Liber.
991:
949:
796:
784:
658:
by acknowledging his models. The texts he draws on include the so-called
392:
332:
316:
235:
223:
215:
208:
171:
160:
38:
1333:
For the text of that declaration in English translation, see article on
903:, whose botanical work emphasized the value of words over illustration.
295:(something like “from high office”); coupled with two references in the
2567:
2184:
1911:
15 (1973), p. 52, note 23. Stannard finds about 350 plant names in all.
1049:
987:
823:
627:
595:
435:
408:
320:
204:
192:
156:
49:
at the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries. His only extant work is the
2562:
2342:
2232:
1334:
945:
941:
792:
788:
665:
552:
352:
348:
234:
of him on the basis of Symmachus's reference to property he owned in
1937:(Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2005), pp. 295–312, with English summary.
680:, as well as the most famous Latin encyclopedia from antiquity, the
529:
The internal evidence of religion in the text is meager. The phrase
195:
Burdigalensis; that is, from Bordeaux (Latin Burdigala), within the
1598:
The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity
1359:
For instance, David Frye, “A Mutual Friend of Athaulf and Jerome,”
778:. The treatment chapters run to 255 pages in Niedermann's edition.
445:
Alf Önnerfors has argued that a personal element distinguishes the
126:
Little is known of the life of Marcellus. The primary sources are:
2212:
1993:
Sachiko Kusukawa, “Leonhart Fuchs on the Importance of Pictures,”
1719:
William M. Brashear, “The Greek Magical Papyri: ‘Voces Magicae’,”
911:
907:
873:
808:
800:
748:
512:
255:
230:
rather than Bordeaux. There has been an attempt to make a Spanish
74:
42:
1450:(Königsberg 1854–57), vol. 2, p. 300, cited by Önnerfors, p. 398.
1014:. In the prefatory epistle, Marcellus insists on the efficacy of
843:
Marcellus was a transitional figure between ancient and medieval
380:
characterizes Marcellus as a “medical amateur” and dismisses the
351:, Orosius says he heard this Gaul relate the declaration made by
953:
615:
518:
46:
2126:
1818:
William D. Sharpe, “Isidore of Seville: The Medical Writings,”
994:. Since magic for medical purposes can be considered a form of
614:
passage has been translated to invoke the Celtic god Aisus, or
493:
occur widely in medieval Christian texts. In his classic study
1174:
Spanische Senatoren der spätrömischen und westgotischen Zeit,
587:, and are not indications of formal adherence to a religion.
152:
to a Marcellus who is likely to have been the medical writer;
731:
Epistulae diversorum de qualitate et observatione medicinae
590:
The first reference to any religious figure in the text is
461:(“godlike compassion”), Marcellus urges his sons to extend
281:. The heading of the prefatory epistle identifies him as a
1863:
Ancient Letters: Classical and Late Antique Epistolography
1144:
Pristina Medicamenta: Ancient and Medieval Medical Botany
1678:
As by J.F. Matthews, “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,”
1520:
prefatory epistle 3, edition of Maximillian Niedermann,
1377:
The Place of Magic in the Intellectual History of Europe
710:
for the medical topics, listing the 36 chapter headings.
185:
about an unnamed Gaul (also a highly conjectural link).
1803:
Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364–425
1130:: Latin de science, de superstition, d’humanité,” in
1044:
The standard text is that of Maximillian Niedermann,
481:
practices that draw on the traditional religions of
73:, but regularly mined as a source for magic charms,
2576:
2553:
2505:
2442:
2396:
2193:
2160:
1903:, “Geschichte der Botanik,” vol. 2 (1855) 305-315
1820:Transactions of the American Philosophical Society
1432:Transactions of the American Philosophical Society
1346:J.F. Matthews, “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,”
1256:J.F. Matthews. “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,”
892:(1.28), and identified elsewhere as equivalent to
2091:Aline Rousselle, “Du sanctuaire au thaumaturge,”
2053:(University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 113–114.
646:in the Narbonensis, but this is a minority view.
602:("scattered body parts") of his sources into one
114:of that name who held office during the reign of
1561:(Université de Saint-Étienne, 1991), p. 404–405.
922:contain at least ten ingredients, and one, the
271:is most likely the Marcellus who was appointed
1467:(Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2005), pp. 227–241.
222:, and Julius Ausonius, the father of the poet
92:(“he’s a good authority”) was the judgment of
2138:
2021:The Medical Background of Anglo-Saxon England
1405:15 (1973), p. 48; Alf Önnerfors, “Marcellus,
561:nomine domini Iacob, in nomine domini Sabaoth
411:: a career in politics balanced with country
8:
2082:(University of Chicago Press, 1981), p. 116.
1600:(University of Chicago Press, 1981), p. 117.
1508:, available in Latin and Greek translations.
1481:Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic
1234:(Université de Saint-Étienne, 1991), p. 397.
737:”, addressed to a Callistus, deals with the
226:. He is sometimes thought to have come from
108:.” Marcellus is usually identified with the
1935:Wissensvermittlung in dichterischer Gestalt
1465:Wissensvermittlung in dichterischer Gestalt
929:Marcellus is one of the likely sources for
606:(whole body). In addition to gods from the
388:seems to have considered him a dilettante.
2145:
2131:
2123:
1721:Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt
1142:15 (1973), p. 51, note 4, as reprinted in
1097:’s Estimates of Greek and Latin Authors,”
175:
1390:History of Magic and Experimental Science
1172:Spanish origin argued by K.F. Stroheker,
963:
914:prescribed in texts from antiquity with
1613:(Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), p. 164.
1487:(Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), p. 178.
1093:of 1740, cited by George W. Robinson, “
1080:(Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), p. 160.
1065:
403:but who fashioned themselves after the
145:(probably referring to this Marcellus);
2095:31 (1976) p. 1095, as cited by Brown,
1115:Introduction to the History of Science
1099:Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
676:, and the pharmacological treatise of
80:and lore, and the linguistic study of
1155:J.F. Matthews, “Gallic Supporters of
7:
1426:William D. Sharpe, introduction to “
756:, source of the ingredient galbanum
693:The work is structured as follows:
473:Marcellus is usually regarded as a
1667:Journal of Early Christian Studies
811:, and African snails, perhaps the
25:
2487:Medical community of ancient Rome
2472:Food and diet in ancient medicine
1417:, (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991).
1303:Alan Cameron, “A New Fragment of
762:Thirty-six chapters on treatments
2604:
2603:
2492:Nutrition in classical antiquity
2032:Mindy LacLeod and Bernard Mees,
1016:remedia fortuita atque simplicia
27:Gallo-Roman writer and physician
2036:(Boydell Press, 2006), pp. 117
2034:Runic Amulets and Magic Objects
1995:Journal of the History of Ideas
1522:Marcelli de medicamentis liber,
1076:, edited by Philippe Mudry and
1046:Marcelli de medicamentis liber,
940:healing: a 13th-century wooden
533:in the preface appears also in
132:Marcellus’s own preface to the
2642:5th-century Gallo-Roman people
2632:4th-century Gallo-Roman people
2482:Mental illness in ancient Rome
926:(29.11), is compounded of 73.
839:Significance as medical writer
551:tradition, as Stannard noted.
96:, while the science historian
1:
948:is inscribed with a charm in
888:is given as another name for
253:during his retirement there.
2657:5th-century Roman physicians
2647:5th-century writers in Latin
2637:4th-century writers in Latin
610:, one charm deciphered as a
2328:Quintus Gargilius Martialis
1611:Les écoles médicales à Rome
1553:Alf Önnerfors, “Marcellus,
1485:Les écoles médicales à Rome
1415:Les écoles médicales à Rome
1226:Alf Önnerfors, “Marcellus,
1126:Alf Önnerfors, “Marcellus,
952:that resembles Marcellus's
704:Index medicalium scriptorum
347:in 415 A.D. While visiting
291:gives the unhelpful phrase
148:a letter written in 399 by
2688:
2477:Gynecology in ancient Rome
2462:Disability in ancient Rome
1526:Corpus Medicorum Latinorum
1053:Corpus Medicorum Latinorum
455:sine medicis intercessione
163:that mentions a Marcellus;
2662:Encyclopedias of medicine
2599:
2457:Dentistry in ancient Rome
1848:15 (1973), p. 51, note 9.
1350:30 (1971), pp. 1085–1086.
1163:30 (1971), pp. 1084–1087.
725:conversion chart in Greek
719:, with notes in Latin on
429:dispersed throughout the
122:Life and political career
2467:Disease in Imperial Rome
2154:Medicine in ancient Rome
2067:ab agrestibus et plebeis
1876:Revue des études latines
813:Giant African land snail
739:physician's ethical duty
664:or “Medical Pliny,” the
313:Minister of the Interior
155:a letter written by the
2652:Ancient pharmacologists
2497:Surgery in ancient Rome
2218:Asclepiades of Bithynia
1997:58 (1997), pp. 423–426.
1788:In the amount of 2,100
1379:(New York 1905), p. 99,
1184:30 (1971) p. 1085. The
1117:(1927), vol. 1, p. 391.
650:The Book of Medicaments
477:, but he also embraces
224:Decimus Magnus Ausonius
35:Marcellus Burdigalensis
2223:Aulus Cornelius Celsus
2110:The Cult of the Saints
2097:The Cult of the Saints
2080:The Cult of the Saints
2051:The Cult of the Saints
1524:vol. 5 of the Teubner
1448:Geschichte der Botanik
980:The Cult of the Saints
975:
757:
567:, or metal leaf. Such
526:
495:The Cult of the Saints
371:of magic and medicine
369:intellectual historian
264:
2363:Charmis of Marseilles
2065:prefatory epistle 2,
1971:, reiterated at 9.81.
1822:54 (1964), pp. 13–14.
1506:Mago the Carthaginian
1178:Madrider Mitteilungen
990:cures and especially
967:
752:
698:Epistolary dedication
656:De medicamentis liber
654:Marcellus begins the
622:Christian benefactor?
516:
510:to convert en masse.
427:veterinary treatments
259:
251:De medicamentis liber
207:, he refers to three
18:Marcellus of Bordeaux
2353:Crinas of Marseilles
2348:Athenaeus of Attalia
2333:Thessalus of Tralles
2203:Pedanius Dioscorides
1857:D.R. Langslow, “The
1743:prefatory epistle 1.
1544:prefatory epistle 3.
1247:30 (1971) 1073–1099.
880:is first glossed as
826:”), a 78-line Latin
608:Greco-Roman pantheon
469:Religious background
397:Sidonius Apollinaris
260:Numismatic image of
45:medical writer from
2667:Magistri officiorum
2273:Marcellus Empiricus
2008:Pharmacy in History
1982:Pharmacy in History
1948:Pharmacy in History
1922:Pharmacy in History
1909:Pharmacy in History
1889:Pharmacy in History
1846:Pharmacy in History
1833:Pharmacy in History
1809:30 (1971), p. 1087.
1585:Pharmacy in History
1530:Classical Antiquity
1403:Pharmacy in History
1140:Pharmacy in History
1038:Froben, Basel 1536
973:St. Martin of Tours
820:Carmen de speciebus
741:in relation to the
547:of the Hellenistic
531:divina misericordia
459:divina misericordia
309:magister officiorum
301:magister officiorum
274:magister officiorum
214:as his countrymen:
212:praetorian prefects
203:. In his prefatory
111:magister officiorum
31:Marcellus Empiricus
2398:Medical literature
2313:Serenus Sammonicus
2298:Criton of Heraclea
2278:Caelius Aurelianus
2208:Soranus of Ephesus
1878:83 (2005) 140–153.
1761:La langue gauloise
1682:30 (1971) p. 1086.
1587:15 (1973), p. 50.
1574:30 (1971) p. 1086.
1532:24 (2005) 331–361.
1428:Isidore of Seville
1288:Codex Theodosianus
1271:Codex Theodosianus
1207:Codex Theodosianus
1188:seems to refer to
976:
960:Therapeutic system
924:antidotus Cosmiana
916:indigenous species
898:Renaissance editor
766:a capite ad calcem
758:
683:Historia naturalis
640:praetorian prefect
527:
425:Prescriptions for
378:Isidore of Seville
359:Medical background
299:to a Marcellus as
267:The author of the
265:
142:Codex Theodosianus
2619:
2618:
2419:De materia medica
2368:Scribonius Largus
2308:Marcellus of Side
2243:Antiochis of Tlos
2010:15 (1973), p. 50.
1984:15 (1973), p. 50.
1967:is equivalent to
1924:15 (1973), p. 50.
1891:15 (1973), p. 48.
1835:15 (1973), p. 48.
1692:In nomine Christi
1669:4 (1996) 171–207.
1630:45 (1991) 50–61;
1434:54 (1964), p. 14.
1101:29 (1918) p. 160.
1091:Prima Scaligerana
859:medieval medicine
770:Scribonius Largus
714:A short tract on
708:table of contents
678:Scribonius Largus
600:disiecta … membra
491:Hellenistic magic
247:household spirits
16:(Redirected from
2679:
2607:
2606:
2545:Pneumatic school
2303:Sextus Empiricus
2288:Gessius of Petra
2253:Aurelius Opilius
2180:Spoon of Diocles
2147:
2140:
2133:
2124:
2117:
2106:
2100:
2089:
2083:
2076:
2070:
2063:De medicamentis,
2060:
2054:
2047:
2041:
2030:
2024:
2019:Wilfrid Bonser,
2017:
2011:
2004:
1998:
1991:
1985:
1978:
1972:
1957:
1951:
1944:
1938:
1931:
1925:
1918:
1912:
1898:
1892:
1885:
1879:
1872:
1866:
1855:
1849:
1842:
1836:
1829:
1823:
1816:
1810:
1799:
1793:
1786:
1780:
1774:
1768:
1767:14 (1974) 57–66.
1765:Études celtiques
1750:
1744:
1738:
1732:
1727:,” reprinted in
1717:
1711:
1705:
1699:
1689:
1683:
1676:
1670:
1659:
1653:
1645:
1639:
1636:Contra Symmachum
1624:Contra Symmachus
1620:
1614:
1607:
1601:
1594:
1588:
1581:
1575:
1568:
1562:
1559:Le latin médical
1551:
1545:
1539:
1533:
1515:
1509:
1494:
1488:
1477:Elizabeth Rawson
1474:
1468:
1459:Thomas Habinek,
1457:
1451:
1441:
1435:
1424:
1418:
1411:Le latin médical
1399:
1393:
1388:Lynn Thorndike,
1386:
1380:
1370:
1364:
1357:
1351:
1344:
1338:
1331:
1325:
1320:Orosius 7.43.4:
1318:
1312:
1311:17 (1967) 10–11.
1309:Classical Review
1301:
1295:
1284:
1278:
1267:
1261:
1254:
1248:
1241:
1235:
1232:Le latin médical
1224:
1218:
1203:
1197:
1194:Classical Review
1170:
1164:
1153:
1147:
1124:
1118:
1108:
1102:
1087:
1081:
1070:
743:Hippocratic Oath
721:units of measure
557:Judaeo-Christian
549:magico-religious
293:ex magno officio
90:Bonus auctor est
33:, also known as
21:
2687:
2686:
2682:
2681:
2680:
2678:
2677:
2676:
2672:Medical writers
2622:
2621:
2620:
2615:
2595:
2586:Antonine Plague
2572:
2549:
2535:Methodic school
2520:Eclectic school
2515:Dogmatic school
2501:
2438:
2433:Medicina Plinii
2392:
2323:Aemilia Hilaria
2318:Sextus Placitus
2189:
2156:
2151:
2121:
2120:
2107:
2103:
2090:
2086:
2077:
2073:
2061:
2057:
2048:
2044:
2040:, 139, and 141.
2031:
2027:
2018:
2014:
2005:
2001:
1992:
1988:
1979:
1975:
1965:herbae polygoni
1961:De medicamentis
1958:
1954:
1945:
1941:
1932:
1928:
1919:
1915:
1899:
1895:
1886:
1882:
1873:
1869:
1856:
1852:
1843:
1839:
1830:
1826:
1817:
1813:
1801:John Matthews,
1800:
1796:
1787:
1783:
1775:
1771:
1753:De medicamentis
1751:
1747:
1741:De medicamentis
1739:
1735:
1718:
1714:
1708:De medicamentis
1706:
1702:
1696:De medicamentis
1690:
1686:
1677:
1673:
1660:
1656:
1649:De civitate Dei
1646:
1642:
1621:
1617:
1608:
1604:
1595:
1591:
1582:
1578:
1569:
1565:
1555:De medicamentis
1552:
1548:
1542:De medicamentis
1540:
1536:
1518:De medicamentis
1516:
1512:
1495:
1491:
1475:
1471:
1458:
1454:
1442:
1438:
1425:
1421:
1407:De medicamentis
1400:
1396:
1387:
1383:
1371:
1367:
1358:
1354:
1345:
1341:
1332:
1328:
1319:
1315:
1302:
1298:
1285:
1281:
1268:
1264:
1255:
1251:
1242:
1238:
1228:De medicamentis
1225:
1221:
1217:(November 395).
1204:
1200:
1186:De medicamentis
1171:
1167:
1154:
1150:
1128:De medicamentis
1125:
1121:
1109:
1105:
1095:Joseph Scaliger
1088:
1084:
1071:
1067:
1062:
1032:Janus Cornarius
1028:
984:Martin of Tours
962:
920:De medicamentis
866:De Medicamentis
841:
775:Medicina Plinii
688:Pliny the Elder
674:Pseudo-Apuleius
661:Medicina Plinii
652:
644:De medicamentis
624:
540:De civitate Dei
517:The Celtic god
487:De medicamentis
471:
447:De medicamentis
431:De medicamentis
382:De medicamentis
361:
297:Theodosian Code
289:Janus Cornarius
269:De medicamentis
245:, or among the
181:an anecdote in
134:De medicamentis
124:
102:De medicamentis
59:pharmacological
51:De medicamentis
37:(“Marcellus of
28:
23:
22:
15:
12:
11:
5:
2685:
2683:
2675:
2674:
2669:
2664:
2659:
2654:
2649:
2644:
2639:
2634:
2624:
2623:
2617:
2616:
2614:
2613:
2600:
2597:
2596:
2594:
2593:
2591:Cyprian Plague
2588:
2582:
2580:
2574:
2573:
2571:
2570:
2565:
2559:
2557:
2551:
2550:
2548:
2547:
2542:
2537:
2532:
2527:
2525:Empiric school
2522:
2517:
2511:
2509:
2503:
2502:
2500:
2499:
2494:
2489:
2484:
2479:
2474:
2469:
2464:
2459:
2454:
2448:
2446:
2440:
2439:
2437:
2436:
2429:
2426:Galenic Corpus
2422:
2415:
2408:
2402:
2400:
2394:
2393:
2391:
2390:
2385:
2380:
2375:
2370:
2365:
2360:
2355:
2350:
2345:
2340:
2335:
2330:
2325:
2320:
2315:
2310:
2305:
2300:
2295:
2290:
2285:
2280:
2275:
2270:
2265:
2260:
2258:Meges of Sidon
2255:
2250:
2245:
2240:
2235:
2230:
2225:
2220:
2215:
2210:
2205:
2199:
2197:
2191:
2190:
2188:
2187:
2182:
2177:
2172:
2170:Cimolian earth
2166:
2164:
2158:
2157:
2152:
2150:
2149:
2142:
2135:
2127:
2119:
2118:
2101:
2084:
2071:
2055:
2042:
2025:
2023:(1963) p. 252.
2012:
1999:
1986:
1973:
1952:
1939:
1926:
1913:
1893:
1880:
1867:
1850:
1837:
1824:
1811:
1794:
1781:
1769:
1745:
1733:
1712:
1700:
1684:
1671:
1654:
1640:
1615:
1602:
1589:
1576:
1563:
1546:
1534:
1510:
1489:
1469:
1452:
1436:
1419:
1394:
1381:
1373:Lynn Thorndike
1365:
1352:
1339:
1326:
1313:
1296:
1279:
1262:
1249:
1236:
1219:
1213:(May 395) and
1198:
1165:
1148:
1136:Materia Medica
1119:
1103:
1082:
1078:Jackie Pigeaud
1064:
1063:
1061:
1058:
1057:
1056:
1048:vol. 5 of the
1042:
1027:
1024:
1004:emulsification
961:
958:
851:ancient Greece
846:materia medica
840:
837:
836:
835:
818:And last, the
816:
807:, Alexandrian
754:Ferula gummosa
747:
746:
728:
711:
701:
651:
648:
623:
620:
479:magico-medical
470:
467:
440:Do-it-yourself
419:pater familias
373:Lynn Thorndike
360:
357:
311:was a sort of
197:Roman province
189:
188:
187:
186:
179:
164:
153:
146:
137:
123:
120:
26:
24:
14:
13:
10:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
2684:
2673:
2670:
2668:
2665:
2663:
2660:
2658:
2655:
2653:
2650:
2648:
2645:
2643:
2640:
2638:
2635:
2633:
2630:
2629:
2627:
2612:
2611:
2602:
2601:
2598:
2592:
2589:
2587:
2584:
2583:
2581:
2579:
2575:
2569:
2566:
2564:
2561:
2560:
2558:
2556:
2552:
2546:
2543:
2541:
2540:Miasma theory
2538:
2536:
2533:
2531:
2528:
2526:
2523:
2521:
2518:
2516:
2513:
2512:
2510:
2508:
2504:
2498:
2495:
2493:
2490:
2488:
2485:
2483:
2480:
2478:
2475:
2473:
2470:
2468:
2465:
2463:
2460:
2458:
2455:
2453:
2450:
2449:
2447:
2445:
2441:
2435:
2434:
2430:
2428:
2427:
2423:
2421:
2420:
2416:
2414:
2413:
2409:
2407:
2404:
2403:
2401:
2399:
2395:
2389:
2386:
2384:
2381:
2379:
2376:
2374:
2371:
2369:
2366:
2364:
2361:
2359:
2356:
2354:
2351:
2349:
2346:
2344:
2341:
2339:
2336:
2334:
2331:
2329:
2326:
2324:
2321:
2319:
2316:
2314:
2311:
2309:
2306:
2304:
2301:
2299:
2296:
2294:
2291:
2289:
2286:
2284:
2283:Cassius Felix
2281:
2279:
2276:
2274:
2271:
2269:
2266:
2264:
2263:Sextius Niger
2261:
2259:
2256:
2254:
2251:
2249:
2248:Antonius Musa
2246:
2244:
2241:
2239:
2236:
2234:
2231:
2229:
2226:
2224:
2221:
2219:
2216:
2214:
2211:
2209:
2206:
2204:
2201:
2200:
2198:
2196:
2192:
2186:
2183:
2181:
2178:
2176:
2173:
2171:
2168:
2167:
2165:
2163:
2159:
2155:
2148:
2143:
2141:
2136:
2134:
2129:
2128:
2125:
2115:
2111:
2108:Peter Brown,
2105:
2102:
2098:
2094:
2088:
2085:
2081:
2078:Peter Brown,
2075:
2072:
2068:
2064:
2059:
2056:
2052:
2049:Peter Brown,
2046:
2043:
2039:
2035:
2029:
2026:
2022:
2016:
2013:
2009:
2003:
2000:
1996:
1990:
1987:
1983:
1977:
1974:
1970:
1966:
1962:
1956:
1953:
1949:
1943:
1940:
1936:
1930:
1927:
1923:
1917:
1914:
1910:
1906:
1905:(Digitalisat)
1902:
1897:
1894:
1890:
1884:
1881:
1877:
1871:
1868:
1864:
1860:
1854:
1851:
1847:
1841:
1838:
1834:
1828:
1825:
1821:
1815:
1812:
1808:
1804:
1798:
1795:
1791:
1785:
1782:
1778:
1773:
1770:
1766:
1762:
1758:
1754:
1749:
1746:
1742:
1737:
1734:
1730:
1726:
1725:Voces Magicae
1722:
1716:
1713:
1709:
1704:
1701:
1697:
1693:
1688:
1685:
1681:
1675:
1672:
1668:
1664:
1663:Clifford Ando
1658:
1655:
1651:
1650:
1644:
1641:
1637:
1633:
1629:
1625:
1619:
1616:
1612:
1606:
1603:
1599:
1596:Peter Brown,
1593:
1590:
1586:
1580:
1577:
1573:
1567:
1564:
1560:
1556:
1550:
1547:
1543:
1538:
1535:
1531:
1527:
1523:
1519:
1514:
1511:
1507:
1503:
1502:De re rustica
1499:
1493:
1490:
1486:
1482:
1478:
1473:
1470:
1466:
1462:
1456:
1453:
1449:
1445:
1440:
1437:
1433:
1429:
1423:
1420:
1416:
1412:
1408:
1404:
1398:
1395:
1391:
1385:
1382:
1378:
1374:
1369:
1366:
1362:
1356:
1353:
1349:
1343:
1340:
1336:
1330:
1327:
1323:
1317:
1314:
1310:
1306:
1300:
1297:
1293:
1290:
1289:
1283:
1280:
1276:
1273:
1272:
1266:
1263:
1259:
1253:
1250:
1246:
1240:
1237:
1233:
1229:
1223:
1220:
1216:
1212:
1209:
1208:
1202:
1199:
1196:17 (1967) 11.
1195:
1191:
1190:Theodosius II
1187:
1183:
1179:
1175:
1169:
1166:
1162:
1158:
1152:
1149:
1145:
1141:
1137:
1133:
1129:
1123:
1120:
1116:
1112:
1111:George Sarton
1107:
1104:
1100:
1096:
1092:
1086:
1083:
1079:
1075:
1069:
1066:
1059:
1054:
1051:
1047:
1043:
1041:
1040:(Digitalisat)
1037:
1033:
1030:
1029:
1025:
1023:
1021:
1017:
1013:
1009:
1005:
999:
997:
996:faith healing
993:
989:
985:
981:
974:
970:
966:
959:
957:
955:
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1012:fermentation
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986:, known for
979:
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870:Roman empire
865:
863:
844:
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832:pharmacology
819:
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632:St. Rusticus
625:
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559:reference —
538:
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508:Roman senate
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486:
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365:dissertation
362:
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279:Theodosius I
272:
268:
266:
262:Theodosius I
261:
250:
239:
190:
140:
133:
125:
116:Theodosius I
109:
106:superstition
101:
89:
86:Vulgar Latin
50:
34:
30:
29:
2412:De Medicina
2406:Gynaecology
2373:Andromachus
2268:Archagathus
1969:sanguinalis
1008:calcination
931:Anglo-Saxon
890:millefolium
882:sanguinaria
499:Peter Brown
409:Roman noble
386:Ernst Meyer
168:inscription
100:called the
2626:Categories
2358:Damocrates
2238:Philonides
2195:Physicians
1638:1.506–607.
1632:Prudentius
1157:Theodosius
1060:References
934:leechcraft
822:(“Song of
805:tragacanth
803:, candied
545:syncretism
451:dulcissimi
405:Republican
395:and later
240:in avitis
209:Bordelaise
71:monographs
55:compendium
41:”), was a
2452:Archiater
2388:Herodotus
2228:Oribasius
1779:XII.5336.
969:Reliquary
901:Cornarius
886:polygonos
878:polygonos
828:hexameter
789:sagapenum
716:metrology
670:Herbarius
636:inlustris
628:bishopric
592:Asclepius
483:antiquity
475:Christian
401:Christian
345:Bethlehem
337:Visigoths
305:mag. off.
242:penatibus
220:Eutropius
201:Aquitania
157:Antiochan
150:Symmachus
78:herbology
2610:Category
2555:Religion
2530:Humorism
2507:Theories
2338:Albucius
2293:Antyllus
2175:Speculum
1859:Epistula
1757:Language
1361:Historia
1305:Eunapius
1292:xvi.5.29
1275:vii.1.14
1215:xvi.5.29
1026:The text
992:exorcism
830:poem on
797:cinnamon
785:galbanum
772:and the
393:Ausonius
335:and the
228:Narbonne
216:Siburius
172:Narbonne
161:Libanius
159:scholar
39:Bordeaux
2578:Plagues
2568:Vejovis
2378:Eudemus
2185:Strigil
2114:Annales
2093:Annales
1807:Latomus
1731:(2006).
1680:Latomus
1628:Phoenix
1572:Latomus
1348:Latomus
1258:Latomus
1245:Latomus
1211:vi.29.8
1182:Latomus
1161:Latomus
1089:In the
1050:Teubner
988:miracle
956:charm.
894:verbena
824:Species
612:Gaulish
596:Virbius
577:Aramaic
565:lamella
463:caritas
436:praetor
353:Athaulf
329:Rufinus
321:Gratian
317:Ausonii
232:senator
205:epistle
193:toponym
183:Orosius
82:Gaulish
2563:Febris
2343:Arcyon
2233:Muscio
2038:online
1790:solidi
1698:25.13.
1557:,” in
1409:,” in
1335:Ataulf
1230:,” in
1020:Carmen
946:Bergen
942:amulet
801:cloves
793:ginger
791:, and
735:Celsus
723:and a
666:herbal
604:corpus
585:Hebrew
583:, and
581:Coptic
573:Celtic
553:Christ
413:villas
367:, the
349:Jerome
333:Alaric
75:Celtic
2444:Roles
2383:Alcon
2213:Galen
2162:Tools
1959:Also
1498:Varro
954:Aisus
950:runes
944:from
938:runic
912:fauna
908:flora
874:flora
809:niter
780:Meyer
706:, or
672:) of
523:Aisus
391:Like
236:Spain
176:below
67:magic
43:Latin
1710:21.2
1010:and
910:and
855:Rome
853:and
616:Esus
519:Esus
307:The
139:the
84:and
65:and
53:, a
47:Gaul
1777:CIL
1626:,”
1500:’s
1307:,”
1176:in
1159:,”
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978:In
971:of
686:of
630:of
537:’s
376:of
277:by
199:of
170:in
166:an
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1277:.
745:.
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668:(
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521:(
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