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are influenced by our cultural context, but also by transcultural understandings of what human beings need in order to flourish or indeed what causes them to suffer. He is particularly concerned by the tendency for critical social scientists to suppress the ethical evaluative basis of their arguments: âCritical social science, needs to acknowledge its often hidden or repressed premise â that its evaluations of practices imply a conception of human flourishingâ.
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Third, he thinks of moral economy as itself an evaluative approach to the economy. Because social scientists themselves are also ethical beings, âin paying close attention to how economic arrangements affect well-being, can hardly avoid normative implicationsâ. He argues that our evaluative stances
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has been cited over 4230 times as of Feb. 2016. Debates about Sayer's approach have been extensive, particularly regarding his view that empirical modelling techniques in the social sciences cannot show real causal relationships, and his dissatisfaction with social constructionism and postmodernism.
67:(2005) analyses the ethical aspects of people's experience of class inequalities: how people value one another and themselves. Since then most of his work has been on moral economy and its links to political economy, and on the ethical dimension of everyday life. These interests are reflected in his
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well-known work on early modern food riots in
England, in which he argued that these disturbances were provoked by breaches of customary expectations that food should be affordable for the poor. As Sayer puts it, âThe moral economy embodies norms and sentiments regarding the responsibilities and
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Second, he thinks of moral economy as an approach to studying this kind of economy (by analogy with political economy). It âstudies the moral norms and sentiments that structure and influence economic practices, both formal and informal, and the way in which these are reinforced, compromised or
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moral economies, in the sense that when people take economic action, that action is not only driven by self-interested calculation as mainstream economics suggests, but also affected by the actorâs normative commitments and social relationships. This argument builds on
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overridden by economic pressuresâ. He tends, however, to reject treatments of normativity as self-interested responses to systems of sanctions and instead sees it as driven at least in part by our ethical commitments to caring for the flourishing of others.
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43:, he has affinities with other disciplines, particularly philosophy, human geography, urban and regional studies and political economy, and defines himself as 'post-disciplinary'.
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Having formulated these variants of the concept in a series of papers, Sayer went on to apply them in a number of the books discussed elsewhere in this article, notably
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in the early 1970s. He was lecturer in the School of Social
Sciences at Sussex until he moved to a lectureship at Lancaster University in 1993. Although affiliated with
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Sayer's early work was on radical understandings of uneven development in
Western societies, and urban and regional change. His book with Kevin Morgan,
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Andrew Sayer studied a BA (University of London, external) in
Geography at Cambridgeshire College of Arts and Technology (now
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Pratt, A. 2004. Andrew Sayer. In
Hubbard P, Kichin R and G Valentine. (eds.) Key thinkers on space and place. London: Sage.
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He is perhaps best known for his effort to recast the philosophy and methodology of the social sciences, developing
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59:, 1995). In the late 1990s he incorporated a cultural understanding of political-economic change, building on
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A realist journey through social theory and political economy: an interview with Andrew Sayer by Jamie Morgan
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https://scholar.google.com.au/scholar?hl=en&q=andrew+sayer&btnG=&as_sdt=1%2C5&as_sdtp=
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23:, UK. He is known for significant contributions to methodology and theory in the social sciences.
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Thompson, Edward P. (1971). "The Moral
Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century".
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is central to many aspects of Sayerâs work. He uses it with several different senses:
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35:) in the late 1960s, and then did an MA and D.Phil. in Urban and Regional Studies at
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55:(1988), was a result. He reworked aspects of political economy and Marxist thought (
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19:(born 1949) is Emeritus Professor of Social Theory and Political Economy at
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Why things matter to people : social science, values and ethical life
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Why Things Matter to People: Social
Science, Values and Ethical Life
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Why Things Matter to People: Social
Science, Values and Ethical Life
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205:. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, published in Chinese 2008
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rights of individuals and institutions with respect to othersâ.
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Sayer, A. 2009. 'Who's afraid of critical social science?',
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Sayer, A. 2011. 'Habitus, work and contributive justice',
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Radical
Political Economy: Critique and Reformulation
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Sayer, A. 1982. âExplanation in economic geographyâ
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Misrecognition, Social
Inequality and Social Justice
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Vice-Chancellor of the County Palatine of Lancaster
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184:. Cambridge University Press.
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339:Google Scholar, Andrew Sayer
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262:. Hutchinson/Routledge.
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255:. Cambridge: Polity.
248:. Oxford: Blackwell.
241:. Oxford: Blackwell.
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265:Sayer, A. 1981. â
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